Urban centres and the emergence of empires in Eastern Inner Asia.

Urban centres and the emergence of empires in Eastern Inner Asia. Introduction The history of eastern Inner Asia Inner Asia can refer to: The western frontier lands outside China proper Central Asia , centred on modern-day Mongoliaand the surrounding regions of China, Siberia and eastern Kazakhstan,provides important comparative perspectives on the rise of large-scaleexpansionistic states (Figure 1). The Mongols created the most famous ofthese, led by Chinggis Khan and his successors. During the thirteenthand fourteenth centuries they established the largest contiguous empireever known. The expansion of this empire was exceptionally dramatic,leaving the lasting impression that it had little in the way ofantecedents. There is, however, a long history of state and empiredevelopment in eastern Inner Asia beginning with the Xiongnu (200 BC toAD 155) followed by other polities that involved a complex array ofethnic, religious and political forces (Honeychurch & Amartuvshin2005). A strong tradition of historical research based on Chinesedocumentary sources has developed an impressive picture of how theseempires operated (Barfield 1989; Di Cosmo 2002; Jagchid & Symons1989). While many studies of early states and empires throughout theworld have focused on disjuncture dis��junc��ture?n.Disjunction; disunion; separation.Noun 1. disjuncture - state of being disconnecteddisconnectedness, disconnection, disjunctionseparation - the state of lacking unity and replacement of political orderthrough warfare, forms of crisis and imperial successions, there is alsoabundant evidence for continuity of economic and social practices overlong stretches of time (Van Buren & Richards 2000: 9; Sinopoli2001). To understand patterns of change it is also necessary tounderstand those aspects of a culture that are resistant to change. Inthis way, both continuities and discontinuities in the material recordare critical components to interpretation of long-term patterns ofgrowth, decline and other forms of social interaction. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Among the most significant archaeological evidence for empiredevelopment in Inner Asia are the settlements that served keyadministrative, mercantile and military functions. Compared withcontemporary states in China, for instance, the settlements discussedhere were usually much smaller and less complex. Even so, they fit thedefinition of urban centres typically applied to early civilisations.Although definitions of urbanism are highly variable (Adams 1966;Bairoch 1988), the key factor is the role of providing specialisedfunctions to a broader region. In the present case, the urban centreswere population concentrations that fulfilled many roles, but wereespecially associated with administrative activities, craftspecialisation and maintenance of elite retinues. In this regard, thesettlements of the steppe steppe(stĕp), temperate grassland of Eurasia, consisting of level, generally treeless plains. It extends over the lower regions of the Danube and in a broad belt over S and SE European and Central Asian Russia, stretching E to the Altai and S to polities clearly fall within the range ofurban centres established by early states and empires (e.g. Trigger2003: 120). In a region of the world dominated by a steppe environment ofbitter winters and short summers and where pastoral nomadism nomadismWay of life of peoples who do not live continually in the same place but move cyclically or periodically. It is based on temporary centres whose stability depends on the available food supply and the technology for exploiting it. waspracticed as early as 3000-2500 BC (Tsybiktarov 2003: 86), the presenceof towns and cities is often overlooked in explanations of regionalpolitical developments. The seeming contradiction of nomads who builtcomplex permanent settlements raises the question of whether we haveunderstood the fundamental dynamics of the economy. For instance, muchof the literature emphasises the extractive extractive/ex��trac��tive/ (-tiv) any substance present in an organized tissue, or in a mixture in a small quantity, and requiring extraction by a special method. ex��trac��tiveadj.1. nature of the steppepolities, in the sense of what Barfield (2001) terms 'shadowempires'. This interpretation presents the states formed by thesteppe pastoralists as a reflection of events in China. By contrast, DiCosmo (1994) emphasises a dynamic relationship and questions whetherChina is the only significant source for agricultural and luxury goodsvalued by the steppe polities. The urban centres of eastern Inner Asiaintegrated cultural ideals that valued mobility with the practicalrequirements of statecraft state��craft?n.The art of leading a country: "They placed free access to scientific knowledge far above the exigencies of statecraft"Anthony Burgess.Noun 1. , but also engaged in diverse economicactivities including extensive agriculture and specialised craftproduction. Presented here is some of the archaeological evidence for along sequence of complex settlements supported by a dynamic range ofeconomic and administrative functions. Among the various settlements, significant forms of continuity areevident in the modes of construction of urban centres, as well as tradecentres, palaces, elite cemeteries and military posts. Although thereare clear architectural similarities of construction, the moresignificant continuities are those concerning specific purpose, locationand a steppe commonality that served the unique requirements of theenvironment and an economy founded on pastoralism PastoralismArcadiamountainous region of ancient Greece; legendary for pastoral innocence of people. [Gk. Hist.: NCE, 136; Rom. Lit.: Eclogues; Span. Lit. . These sharedcharacteristics reflect a far more predictable basis than previouslyrecognised for the consolidation of steppe polities. The attributes ofthe steppe polities also allow expanded interpretation of urbanism inempire development through alternative ways of thinking about therelationship between the scale of political entities and their relativecomplexity. Among the most significant attributes of the steppe urban centre iswhat may be termed purpose-driven construction. Whatever the overallfunction of a centre might have been, it was very seldom the product ofa long period of growth and accretion, as was common in some otherregions of the world (e.g. Frangipane fran��gi��pan��i?n. pl. fran��gi��pan��is1. Any of various tropical American deciduous shrubs or trees of the genus Plumeria, having milky sap and showy, fragrant, funnel-shaped, variously colored flowers. 1997; Keith 2003). Nor did mostsettlements house large resident populations on a scale with agrariansocieties. Instead, they provided focal points for military and tradepurposes and central places associated with the conduct ofadministration, agriculture and craft production. In addition to the implications of planned construction, the majorurban centres having administrative and royal precincts expressed powerdifferentials through elaborate and costly constructions. However, therewas also a more diffuse side to the physical representation of statusand hierarchy as epitomised by the use of royal tents, the shiftinglocation of royal encampments and the construction of relatively modestpalaces away from the urban centres. The shifting locus of royalencampments is an elite representation of the complex web ofinteractions linking the urban centres to smaller settlements and anextensive number of mobile encampments of outlying agropastoralists. Theurban centre was part of not just a network, but of a pattern ofpopulation movements that carried out some of the functions moreroutinely concentrated within the walls and public spaces of early townsand cities, such as those in India (Smith 2003), Mesopotamia (Stone1995) or Mesoamerica (Sanders et al. 2003). Characteristics of urban centres The following is a brief description of selected settlements incentral Mongolia presented in chronological order, ranging in date fromAD 500 to 1400. The sites discussed are some of the largest and mostcomplex centres and serve as examples of architectural continuity,variation and the economic basis for the settlement. A joint project ofthe Mongolian Institute of Archaeology The Institute of Archaeology is an academic department of University College London (UCL), in the United Kingdom. The Institute is located in a separate building at the north end of Gordon Square, Bloomsbury. and the Smithsonian Institution Smithsonian Institution,research and education center, at Washington, D.C.; founded 1846 under terms of the will of James Smithson of London, who in 1829 bequeathed his fortune to the United States to create an establishment for the "increase and diffusion of studied each site in the summer of 2002. Four of the five site planspresented here are based on a combination of previously published andnew field information. The largest pre-modern urban centre in Mongolia is the Uighurempire capital of Khar Balgas, known in early documents as Ordu Balik(Figure 2). The construction of the city seems to have been a plannedevent shortly following the consolidation of the Uighur empire and wasoccupied for less than 100 years, between c. AD 750 and 840 (Mackerras1972). In 1892 Radloff (cited in Minorsky 1947: 295) described theexterior defensive wall as enclosing a rectangle 7km long and 2.5kmwide, while Kiselev (1957: 94) described the city as covering an area of25 sq. km. Within the walls there are areas of residential architecture,an area for public buildings and a citadel with gardens and eliteresidences (Figure 3). Other large areas within the walls are devoid ofpermanent construction and may represent space for tentedneighbourhoods. [FIGURES 2-3 OMITTED] Khar Balgas is located in the broad valley of the Orkhon River The Orkhon River (Mongolian: Орхон гол, Orkhon gol) is a river in Mongolia. It rises in the Khangai Mountains of Arkhangai Aimag and flows northwards for 1,124 km (698 miles) before ,24km north of Kharkhorum, the future capital of the Mongol empire The Mongol Empire, also known as the Mongolian Empire (Mongolian: Монголын Эзэнт Гүрэн, Mongolyn Ezent G��ren .Modern intensive irrigation irrigation,in agriculture, artificial watering of the land. Although used chiefly in regions with annual rainfall of less than 20 in. (51 cm), it is also used in wetter areas to grow certain crops, e.g., rice. agriculture on the eastern and southernsides of the site has greatly disturbed surface indications, althoughbrief research in the 1890s, 1933-1934 and again in 1949 provide anoverview of the city's organisation (Kiselev 1957; Minorsky 1947;Perlee 1961:49-51; Ulambayar 1999). Recent study of aerial photographshas produced a more accurate map of the citadel, located in thenorth-east portion of the site (Plumer & Roth 2002). Archaeologicalreconnaissance has also noted the presence of irrigation systems and aneyewitness account by Tamin ibn Bahr around AD 821, notes that the citywas rich in agriculture and there were many closely spaced outlyingvillages adjacent to cultivated lands (Minorsky 1947: 283). Another important centre associated with the Uighur empire isBaibalyk, much smaller than Khar Balgas, and consisting primarily ofthree square defensive enclosures along the Tsagaan River near itsconfluence with the Selenge River The Selenga (Russian: Селенга) or Selenge (Mongolian: Сэлэнгэ гол(Figure 4). The largest of theenclosures (Fortress 1) still has substantial walls in place (Figure 5).Although unconfirmed, Baibalyk may be a second Uighur centre on theSelenge River mentioned in Chinese sources of the time (Mackerras 1972:13). Very little is known about the function of each of the enclosuresor about how areas between or near the enclosures may have been used(Bayar 1999: 176). [FIGURES 4-5 OMITTED] Because of its cultural affiliation with the Khitan empire of thetenth and eleventh centuries AD and its location on the Khar BukhynRiver, the site of Khar Bukhyn Balgas is often described as a militaryoutpost and colony along the northern border of the Khitan empire(Jagchid 1981; Scott 1975). The site consists of a large squaredefensive enclosure with walls surviving 2-4m tall, constructed oframmed earth rammed earth,material consisting chiefly of soil of sufficiently stiff consistency that has been placed in forms and pounded down. It has been used for buildings and walls since ancient times and was employed in some of the most ancient fortifications in the Middle and surrounded by a ditch (Figure 6). Midway along eachwall is a fortified fortified (fôrt´fīd),adj containing additives more potent than the principal ingredient. gate connected to north-south and eastwest streetsdividing the enclosed space Noun 1. enclosed space - space that is surrounded by somethingcavityspace - an empty area (usually bounded in some way between things); "the architect left space in front of the building"; "they stopped at an open space in the jungle"; "the space between into quadrants. The ruins of several stonebuildings dominating the north-west quadrant of the fortress areassociated with a later seventeenth century reutilisation of the site. Alarge stone stupa along the north wall is the location of the discoveryof an early Buddhist birch bark book (Bayar 1999: 188). To the north andeast of the fortress a series of irrigation canals stretch across theriver floodplain floodplain,level land along the course of a river formed by the deposition of sediment during periodic floods. Floodplains contain such features as levees, backswamps, delta plains, and oxbow lakes. . One of the canals ends very close to the north-eastcorner of the fortress and may have been the city's source ofwater. Fragments of grinding stones for grain processing were noted onthe surface. [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] The best known and most extensively studied of the earlysettlements of Mongolia is the capital city of Kharkhorum (Figure 7).The general vicinity was a significant place in the history of theMongol tribes as early as the eighth century, although it was not amajor centre until the empire was consolidated under Chinggis Khan in AD1220 (Tseveendorj 1999: 189-92). Chinggis' successors, Ogodei,Guyug and Mongke, were responsible for actually establishing and usingKharkhorum as a capital (Cleaves 1952). Under Ogodei the Wan-an (Qarsi)palace was built and the city was surrounded by a wall and moat (in.1235) enclosing an irregular rectangle of 1 sq km. Excavations revealedan exterior wall that may have originally stood 5-8m tall (Kiselev1965:138; Roth & Ulambajar 2002: 30). Eyewitness accounts by Williamof Rubruck William of Rubruck (also William of Rubruk, Willem van Ruysbroeck, Guillaume de Rubrouck, Willielmus de Rubruquis, born c. 1220 in Rubrouck, Flanders,[1] died c. 1293) was a Flemish Franciscan missionary and explorer. , John of Piano Carpini (Dawson 1955) and 'Ala-al-Din'Ata-Malik Juvayni (Boyle 1958: 236-7) in the thirteenth century ADprovide important information on the organisation of the city and theMongol empire more generally. A series of archaeological expeditions,including the current joint Mongol/German project, have added greatly toour knowledge of the city (Kato 1997; Kiselev 1965; Roth & Ulambajar2002; Tseveendorj 1999). [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] The wall surrounding Kharkhorum had four gates, located atmidpoints along each wall. From each gate, major streets bisected theinterior layout, as is common at other centres. Water was brought to thecity by a canal connected to the Orkhon River. Areas between the cityand the river were cultivated using additional irrigation canals andsmall reservoirs. In 1256, Khubilai (Kublai) ordered the construction ofa new capital named Xandu (Xanadu) (Upper Capital), with the Mongolcapital later moving to Dadu (Beijing) (Rossabi 1987: 31). AlthoughKharkhorum remained as a provincial centre for some time, it eventuallylost its standing. On different occasions Chinese troops were garrisonedthere and the city was eventually destroyed by Ming troops in AD 1380(Shiraishi 1997: 121). Throughout the period of the Mongol empire (thirteenth to fifteenthcenturies), many permanent settlements were constructed along majorrivers in Mongolia and elsewhere. Among these is Khar Khul Khaany Balgaslocated on the Khanui River Khanui River is a river flowing down through the valleys of the Khangai Mountains in central Mongolia. in Arkhangai Province This article is about a province of Mongolia. For other uses, see Khangai.Arkhangai aimag (Mongolian: Архангай аймаг(Figure 8). Recentexcavations have established a sequence of occupation ranging from thethirteenth to the seventeenth century (Bayar 1999:192-3; Enkhbat 1986).The site consists often enclosures scattered over an area of about 3 sq.km. At least seven of them are oriented on a north-east-south-west axis.Between the enclosures, there is almost no surface evidence forhabitations or other activities. Although the site is near a river on abroad plain, it is not known whether irrigation farming was practised.The largest of the enclosures (Complex 1) can be termed a citadel, withheavily eroded earthen walls currently standing 4-5m high. The Citadelis a rectangle measuring approximately 375 x 325m (Moriyasu & Ochir1999: Plate 19b). It has four gates, one positioned at the midpoint mid��point?n.1. Mathematics The point of a line segment or curvilinear arc that divides it into two parts of the same length.2. A position midway between two extremes. along each wall. Aside from the Citadel, the other enclosures were notdesigned for defensive purposes. In each case the exterior walls arelow, probably originally not more than 1-2m tall. Within each enclosureare the remains of what appears to be public buildings or eliteresidences, given the presence of glazed roof tiles, fired bricks andcarved stone column bases. [FIGURE 8 OMITTED] Another significant example from the period of the Mongol empire isthe settlement of Shaazan Khot, located on the Ongi River inDundgov' Province (Figure 9). The site is believed to represent aspecialised trade centre, although a recent study has also suggested thesite was a winter palace during the Mongol empire (Shiraishi 2002).While trade may have been the economic foundation for the community, theresident population naturally also practised a wide range of social andsubsistence activities. This is the only site in our sample that doesnot have evidence for an exterior wall, although low walls enclosedspecific building complexes. Abundant porcelain fragments, coins, greenglazed roof tiles and other artefacts recovered from the surface linkthe site with the period from the late eleventh century to the time ofthe Yuan dynasty (AD 1270-1368). The site is located along what may havebeen a major route between China and the Mongol capital at Kharkhorum. [FIGURE 9 OMITTED] Discussion The urban centres developed by the steppe polities in eastern InnerAsia did not emerge from a gradual process of growth, but instead werefounded to serve specific, predetermined functions. By the beginnings ofthe Xiongnu empire (200 BC to AD 155), the great majority of urbancentres consisted of fortified rectilinear rec��ti��lin��e��ar?adj.Moving in, consisting of, bounded by, or characterized by a straight line or lines: following a rectilinear path; rectilinear patterns in wallpaper. enclosures. Of the 23settlements illustrated in Perlee's (1961) book, A Brief History ofAncient and Medieval Period Settlements in the Mongolian People'sRepublic, 22 are quadrilateral quadrilateralhaving four sides. enclosures. The one illustrated site notenclosed by a wall was Shaazan Khot, mentioned above (see also Kiselev1965). In addition to the sites described in this article, our projectteam surveyed and prepared preliminary maps at four palace sites, amajor cemetery near Khar Balgas, a temple complex and four other siteswith large rectangular earthen enclosures. All of these sites arebelieved to date between about 200 BC and the Mongol empire and took theform of single or multiple quadrilateral enclosures. If thearchitectural review The Architectural Review is a monthly international architectural magazine published in London since 1896. Articles cover the built environment which includes landscape, building design, interior design and urbanism as well as theory of these subjects. is extended beyond Mongolia to include surroundingregions of China and Russia the pattern is the same--unless thesettlement served a special function, such as a palace or trade centre,it was normally enclosed by a wall. In China, for instance an ideal typeof city plan emerged that incorporated a generally square outlineoriented to the cardinal directions (Wheatley 1971: 423). Evidence fromthe Han (206 BC to AD 220) and later T'ang dynasties (AD 618 to907) provides evidence for the long-term development of city planning city planning,process of planning for the improvement of urban centers in order to provide healthy and safe living conditions, efficient transport and communication, adequate public facilities, and aesthetic surroundings. principles based on rectilinear enclosures within enclosures (Boyd 1962:49). For the steppe polities, the planning principles offer parallelswith China and other regions, but also incorporate several uniqueattributes. The most consistent characteristics include: * A pattern of generally square defensive outer walls with multiplerectilinear inner enclosures. In some cases, sites are composed ofmultiple squares, associated with buildings used for differentfunctions. * Outer walls typically have gates positioned at mid-points alongthe wall connected to streets bisecting the interior, such as at KharBukhyn Balgas (Figure 6) and Kharkhorum (Figure 7). * Within the urban centre, principal buildings such as palaces andpublic buildings are often near one or another edge of the enclosedarea. The citadel at Khar Balgas (Figure 2) and the Wan-an palace atKharkhorum (Figure 7) are clear examples of this pattern. * Large areas within the outer walls are typically devoid ofarchitectural evidence, implying the presence of tent (ger)neighbourhoods, not unlike walled tent communities known from recenttimes (Hodges 1972: 525). * Many sites are composed of clusters of widely spaced enclosures,such as Baibalyk (Figure 4) and Khar Khul Khaany Balgas (Figure 8), butalso including a large number of sites not illustrated here (see Perlee1961). The spacing between enclosures may allow for the presence oftented neighbourhoods, although archaeological evidence is not yetavailable. * All of the urban centres are located in major river valleysadjacent to permanent water sources and land suitable for pasturage andagriculture. The characteristics listed above are part of the materialexpression of patterning at a more encompassing social and historicallevel. Specifically, there are three sets of significant perspectives:the spatial order in settlement planning and construction, landscapecontext and the social history of settlement. The first two factorsreflect action-based choices, but are also bound by convention and theideology of authority associated with state formation and maintenance.The third factor, by contrast, reflects the accumulated history ofpopulation dynamics Population dynamics is the study of marginal and long-term changes in the numbers, individual weights and age composition of individuals in one or several populations, and biological and environmental processes influencing those changes. , political expediencies, the shifting role of aparticular settlement in trade networks and other responses to thespecifics of time and place. Studies of spatial order expressed through architecture have notedthe many ways in which meaning is encoded in the landscape and builtenvironment (Ashmore & Knapp 1999; Ucko & Layton 1999). Theplanning and construction of settlements is a cultural expression ofspatial order and a representation of ideals reified through the builtenvironment. Almost all of the sites discussed above give strongindication of having been planned and constructed over a relativelyshort period, given what is known about other sites in the region, it isreasonable to extend this observation to a much greater number ofsettlement sites in Mongolia. Within the context of the steppe empires, the widespread occurrenceof planned constructions has several implications. First, the plannedbuildings and fortifications imply the rapid emergence of apurpose-driven set of objectives, often associated with the relocationof an urban centre from one area to another or the formalisation Noun 1. formalisation - the act of making formal (as by stating formal rules governing classes of expressions)formalizationsystematisation, systematization, rationalisation, rationalization - systematic organization; the act of organizing something ofadministrative functions following a period of initial political andmilitary consolidation. The growth of complex administrative systems isassociated with the collection and storage of tribute, conduct ofinternational relations international relations,study of the relations among states and other political and economic units in the international system. Particular areas of study within the field of international relations include diplomacy and diplomatic history, international law, and the provisioning of large militaryoperations This is a list of missions, operations, and projects. Missions in support of other missions are not listed independently. World War I''See also List of military engagements of World War I Albion (1917) . Although not all steppe polities did so, diverseadministrative tasks were typically centralised in a capital that wasalso a population centre. Such was the case at all of the primary urbancentres described above. A further implication of the prevalence of planned constructions isthe availability of resources necessary to undertake theoften-monumental construction efforts. This makes sense when consideringthat steppe empires typically did not emerge from a city-statepredecessor or from the accretion of a permanent series of settlementsassociated with an agricultural base, but instead from the consolidationof dispersed groups in the form of a political confederation (Barfield1981, 2001: 13; Franke 1978; Moses 1974). Certainly, the existence of anarchitectural tradition that defined the parameters of'appropriate' construction was also part of the equation. Thisrelates to such things as the practice of using enclosures, both asdefensive systems and as ways to segregate seg��re��gate?v. seg��re��gat��ed, seg��re��gat��ing, seg��re��gatesv.tr.1. To separate or isolate from others or from a main body or group. See Synonyms at isolate.2. space into internal andexternal areas. It should also be noted that documentary sources referto the importation of foreign workers foreign workersThose who work in a foreign country without initially intending to settle there and without the benefits of citizenship in the host country. Some are recruited to supplement the workforce of a host country for a limited term or to provide skills on a and architects to complete theactual construction, such as the settlement of Da-lee during the firstTurkic empire (Perlee 1961: 47) and later at Kharkhorum (Boyle 1958:236-7). Soghdian advisors at Ordu Balik (Khar Balgas (Barfield 1989:158)) and the likely presence of Jurchid colonists at Khar Bukhyn Balgas(Scott 1975: 13-14) add to the ethnic diversity associated with thesteppe tradition of settlement construction. Chinese workers andadvisors were also major contributors to styles and principles ofconstruction. Steinhardt (1988: 71-2), in particular, makes a compellingcase for Chinese influence on imperial Mongol urban planning urban planning:see city planning. urban planningPrograms pursued as a means of improving the urban environment and achieving certain social and economic objectives. . In parallel with the tradition of urban centres was the arguablyeven more important pastoral-nomad ideal that was indeed the foundationfor a wide range of cultural practices, even by town dwellers. Forinstance, although kings spent part of their time in urban centres theyalso embodied the pastoral ideal through seasonal relocations of theroyal residence (e.g. Boyle 1972). In addition to permanent palaceconstructions, there is also the well-known practice of using royaltents, even in urban centres, such as the golden tent described by Taminibn Bahr on his visit to the Uighur capital at Khar Balgas (Minorsky1947: 295). Certainly, the differences between settled and nomadic See nomadic computing. traditions were not lost on the leadership of the steppe empires.Tonyukhukh, general and counsellor to the Turkic khans is quoted assaying, 'if we build castles and give up our old customs, we shallbe vanquished' (Tkachev 1987:114). Tonyukhukh may have been givinggood strategic advice, but he spoke in the face of what was already amany centuries old tradition of fortified urban centres. From the perspective of the formation of empires, the principlesthat guide the planned construction of urban centres and palaces areabout defining parameters of inclusion and exclusion, both as practicalfunction and as legitimisation of authority. As a practical function,urban construction serves to define activity spaces that serve the needsof concentrated populations. In the formation and maintenance ofempires, inclusion and exclusion are techniques that allowlegitimisation of authority to be articulated within a particularlandscape. The second factor mentioned above relates to the importanceof certain geographical locales, both strategically and symbolically.Primary urban centres are nearly always located in major river valleysthat provide access to water, arable lands and grazing. There are,however, certain locales that over centuries transcend politicalboundaries and continue to play a central role in the succession ofempires. In Mongolia, the Orkhon River Valley (Figure 1) served perhaps asthe most important focal area for the emergence and consolidation ofseveral different empires. It was the location of important urbancentres, perhaps as early as the Xiongnu polity, but certainly duringthe first and second Turkic, Uighur and Mongol empires (Allsen 1996;Kiselev 1965; Tkachev 1987). The construction in 1585-1586 of theimportant Buddhist monastery of Erdene Zuu (Kato 1997) adjacent to theruins of Kharkhorum continues the association of the area with importantcultural values extending to the present day. Each successive empiretended not to build on the urban centres of its predecessors, but theydid build on the cosmological power and historical significance of thisparticular valley. Over time, the imperial traditions associated withthe valley became an important point of legitimisation used bysuccessive khans. This form of locational continuity, over hundreds ofyears, has much to do with parallel continuity in systems of belief andpolitical culture. The Turks and the Mongols, and probably others beforethem, adapted to the diversity of cultural and religious practicesencountered across the regions they conquered, notably incorporating atolerance for multiple religions. The legitimisation of empire ineastern Inner Asia did not depend on the transmission of a single statereligion as an ideology of expansion. Although, in some notable cases,such as the Uighur empire, a state religion was adopted (Manichaeism)after the founding of the empire, but even in this case it was not asignificant factor motivating attempts to expand the empire (Mackerras1972). The practice of religious tolerance did not mean, however, thatthere was no continuity in systems of thought. In fact, many of thesteppe tribes held in common a set of religious ideals that included theprincipal deities Tengri the Sky God and Etugen (Otuken) the EarthMother (Golden 1982: 42; Lot-Falck 1956). These shared beliefs clearlyformed part of the motivation for continuity in the significance placedon particular locales. The third factor mentioned above--the social history ofsettlement--acknowledges the significance of events as they impactedwhat might be termed the 'planning ideal'; in other words Adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated; "in other words, we are broke"put differently , thedisjuncture between order and action or expectation and implementation.Essentially, even for settlements that were clearly established on amaster plan, the history of site utilisation often adds layers ofcomplexity to what might have otherwise been an easily interpretedorganisation. In the development of urban centres throughout the worldit is very common for original organising principles to be overwhelmedby the expediencies of successive periods of growth or decline.Eventually, urban centres often take on a much more organic pattern ofgrowth as seen in many modern-day capitals, as well as in the ruins ofancient cities (e.g. Ashmore & Sabloff 2002). In contrast to thismore common pattern of organic growth, the great majority of known urbancentres, palaces and other settlements from Mongolia were constructed ona master plan that was maintained intact over the settlement's lifehistory. The one partial exception to this pattern is the Mongol capital ofKharkhorum. Although there is substantial evidence that the decision tobase the capital at Kharkhorum was carefully planned (Allsen 1996:126-7), it is also apparent that a settlement already existed at thatlocation for possibly as much as three hundred years (Kiselev 1965).Historical sources also point out that the royal palace and perimeterwall perimeter walln → mur m d'enceinteperimeter walln → muro di cintawere added to an already existing settlement (Cleaves 1952; Rashidal Din 1959, vol. 2: 684-5). In reviewing the site plan for Kharkhorum(Figure 7) the perimeter wall approximates a rectangle, but is far lessregular in orientation than most of the other known urban centres. Itgives the impression of being a wall added to enclose an existingcommunity. With the exception of Kharkhorum there are no other examples ofurban centres reflecting the expediencies of unplanned growth or changein site plans. Within the respective social histories of eastern InnerAsian empires, several factors account for the clarity of site plans.Sites were typically occupied for relatively short periods, althoughsometimes reoccupied at a later date. Urban centres usually representedcore activity areas while population fluctuations were typicallyexpressed through the expansion and contraction of associatedneighbourhoods for gets (tents). Perhaps most important was the patternof abandoning old centres and establishing new ones, especially with thesuccessive replacement of empires. The final component of the discussion specifically addresses issuesof the relative significance of agriculture within the steppe empiresand to what extent the available archaeological data helps reveal therole of this economic pursuit. Agriculture is an especially relevantissue because its environmental requirements would have affecteddecisions on where to construct population centres. Many studies haveunder-emphasised the role of agriculture, although Di Cosmo (1994; seealso T'ang 1981) persuasively argues for reassessing the economicfoundations of the pastoral nomadic empires, as well as their generalrelationship to China. Through his review of both archaeological anddocumentary sources, evidence emerges for a long agricultural traditionoperating along side the more dominant pastoral pursuits practicedthroughout the region. Although his analysis concentrates on theXiongnu, there is significant evidence that allows extension of theargument to include later empires. The urban centres discussed in this study incorporate evidence forthe practice of extensive agriculture, implied by their location inmajor river valleys, but endorsed through the presence ofgrain-processing equipment, agricultural tools and irrigation canals.Historical sources also provide many important clues (e.g. Dawson 1955:100). Even with this general evidence there still remain many questionsof scale and distribution of production, organisation of agriculturalactivities and the actual crops utilised within specific regions andtime periods. Although agriculture is discussed here primarily in the context ofpopulation centres, it did not necessarily need cities to prosper.Ethnographic research in the twentieth century (Rona-Tas 1959; Vreeland1957; Vainshtein 1980) offers important comparative perspectives on therole of agriculture. Archaeological research in adjacent regions ofCentral Asia, including Kazakhstan (Chang & Tourtellotte 1998: 273;Rosen et al. 2000), the Minusinsk Basin region of southern Siberia(Savinov 1989:814) and the long-term project at the Xiongnu site ofIvolga (Davydova 1995), also in southern Siberia, confirms thewidespread presence of agro-pastoral economies. In Mongolia, recentarchaeological and ethnographic work in the Egiin River valley (Figure1; Honeychurch 2004; Honeychurch & Amartuvshin 2002) provides adetailed regional perspective while also exploring the implications ofcrop cultivation as a routine part of subsistence practices. Findingsshow that local systems of mixed subsistence, including pastoralism andagriculture, were common from the Bronze Age Bronze Age,period in the development of technology when metals were first used regularly in the manufacture of tools and weapons. Pure copper and bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, were used indiscriminately at first; this early period is sometimes called the to the modern era. Overtime local production became integrated with the larger politicalstructures. During the period of the Uighur state, in particular, therewas evidence for local specialisation in pastoral production,complementing evidence for the expansion of agricultural productionaround the urban centres at Khar Balgas and Baibalyk. Conclusions The evidence for the physical layout of urban centres, tradecentres and palaces reflect long-standing regional practice. The spatialorganisation of Mongolian centres was part of ideological and culturalsystems used by elites to emulate perceived sources of political powerand to solidify deep-rooted cultural values. Architecture and thespatial organisation of settlements are often created as a purposefulrepresentation of ideal order--especially in the construction of plannedsettlements. However, in practice this ideal order confronts aconstantly changing array of uses and purposes. The physical solidity ofplace becomes both an anchor for continuity and evidence of thedisjuncture between present action and ideal representations. It is widely held that the empires of the steppe regions of EasternInner Asia came into existence through interaction with existing states(Barfield 2001: 10; Irons 1979: 362; Jagchid & Symons 1989). Whilethe steppe empires certainly carried on significant interactions withsedentary states, the complexity of internal social organisation Noun 1. social organisation - the people in a society considered as a system organized by a characteristic pattern of relationships; "the social organization of England and America is very different"; "sociologists have studied the changing structure of the family" ,economic systems and trade with other regions raises the likelihood of afar more dynamic cultural sphere. It is not surprising that some of themost significant interactions took place between China and the steppeempires considering China's great power, relative stability andlong tradition of statecraft. Even so, this interaction should not beused to define the importance of the participants or pre-determine,through exclusion, consideration of other influences. When William of Rubruck visited the Mongol capital of Kharkhorum inthe mid-1250s he was not particularly impressed, describing it as aboutthe size of a large French village (Dawson 1955:183). The irony of thisobservation emerges when considering that Kharkhorum was at that timethe imperial capital of a vast empire. Indeed, Kharkhorum was not likethe capitals of Europe or South Asia This article is about the geopolitical region in Asia. For geophysical treatments, see Indian subcontinent. South Asia, also known as Southern Asia or China, instead it was part of apattern of steppe empire development that integrated nomadic ideals withthe requirements of imperial administration and strategies of control. Received: 21 April 2004; Accepted: 11 November 2004; Revised: 6September 2004 Acknowledgements Our work would not have been possible without the support of Ch.Dalai, Director, Institute of History, The Mongolian Academy of Sciences The Mongolian Academy of Sciences is Mongolia's first centre of modern sciences. It was founded in 1921, when the government established an Institute of Literature and Script, which was later upgraded to Institute of Science. and D. Tseveendorj, Director, Center for Mongolian Archaeological Study,reorganised in 2002 as The Institute of Archaeology. Versions of thisarticle were significantly improved by the useful comments provided byWilliam Honeychurch, Claudia Chang, Francis Allard, William Fitzhugh William Fitzhugh (August 24, 1741 – June 6, 1809) was an American planter and statesman who served as a delegate to the Continental Congress for Virginia in 1779. He was the great-grandson of immigrant William Fitzhugh who came to Virginia in about 1671 and owned 54,000 acres andRobert Laughlin. During our travels we had the good fortune to work withErdenetuya Ulambayar and Sukhbaatar, who on a daily basis madeeverything run smoothly. We also greatly appreciate the support ofEdward Nef and Doloonjin Orgilmaa of the Santis Foundation. At theSmithsonian, we acknowledge the research assistance provided by MichelleMcNeal, Clementine Clementineforty-niner’s drowned daughter; “lost and gone forever.” [Am. Music: Leach, 236]See : Grief James, Maggie Dittemore, James Hoag and CarmenEyzaguirre. References ADAMS, R.McC. 1966. 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