The wounded roan: a contribution to the relation of hunting and trance in southern African rock art.

The wounded roan: a contribution to the relation of hunting and trance in southern African rock art. Introduction The advantage of studying art in southern Africa is thatethnographic and linguistic data are accessible as parts of beliefsystems that are likely to have developed over very long periods oftime. The continent now has evidence for art extending back at least 70000 years, represented by engravings from Blombos (Henshilwood et al.2002) and from recent excavations at Wonderwerk by Beaumont (Mitchell2002). Figures depicted in southern African rock art such as thosediscussed in this paper, appear to have expressed concepts of thecontrol of humans over animals. Their development may have involved theuse of animal skins in hunting contexts (Thackeray 1983b), a form ofsympathetic hunting magic (Thackeray 1986), or beliefs associated withtrance during which medicine-men gained access to 'supernaturalpotency' (Lewis-Williams 1980, 1981). In this paper I explore thepossibility that the 'trance hypothesis' and conceptsassociated with sympathetic hunting magic are not mutually exclusive Adj. 1. mutually exclusive - unable to be both true at the same timecontradictoryincompatible - not compatible; "incompatible personalities"; "incompatible colors" . Sorcerers and antelopes A rock painting at the Melikane cave in Lesotho (Figure 1) includesthree human figures bending forward, adopting a quadrupedal quad��ru��ped?n.A four-footed animal.adj.Four-footed: a quadruped mammal.quad��ru posture(Figure 2). In the nineteenth century, the figures were interpreted bySan ('Bushman') informants as 'sorcerers' attributedwith controlling powers over game (Bleek 1874; Orpen 1874; Bleek 1935,1936). In a groundbreaking study Lewis-Williams (1980, 1981) interpretedthe Melikane painting in terms of San concepts of control associatedwith trance-dances during which medicine-men accessed 'supernaturalpotency' of the kind expressed by the 'Bushman' termsn/um or !gi. The 'Bushman' term for a medicine-man, !gi: xa,incorporates !gi which Bleek (1956) defined as 'magic', butwhich also refers to concepts associated with a desire for success inhunting, as discussed here. The Melikane figures have been associatedwith 'medicine-men' of the kind known by a 'Bushman'term !gi: xa, which is phonetically and conceptually similar to theXhosa (Nguni/Bantu), the term for a ritual functionary known as anigqirha or 'diviner' (Botha & Thackeray 1987). [FIGURES 1-2 OMITTED] The Melikane therianthropes (man-animal combinations) had beenpreviously considered to represent disguised hunters (How 1962),although this was questioned by Woodhouse (1968). The use of animalskins may take advantage of 'curiosity behaviour', stimulatingan animal to turn en face towards the hunter, and on occasion to walktowards the disguised hunter within the range of hunting weapons(Thackeray 1983b). Notably, one of the Melikane therianthropes isdepicted en face, looking towards the observer of the rock paintingitself. Recognising the importance of control as a concept expressed inthe Melikane painting, it is pertinent to note here that below thetherianthropes is a representation of an antelope apparently pierced bythe tip of an arrow or spear. The actual use of an antelope skin costume and the adoption of aquadrupedal posture by a human figure bending forward with two sticks,strongly similar to the imagery in the Melikane painting, wasphotographed in 1934 by W.H.C. Taylor at Logageng, north of WonderwerkCave on the southern margin of the Kalahari desert Kalahari DesertDesert region, southern Africa. It covers an area of 360,000 sq mi (930,000 sq km) and lies mostly in Botswana but also occupies portions of Namibia and South Africa. It was crossed by the British explorers David Livingstone and William C. Oswell in 1849. (Figures 3 and 4).Unfortunately Taylor's photograph lacks contextual information,apart from being entitled as a 'buckjumper' at Logageng (alsoknown as Logagani), which served to control the spread of foot and mouthdisease a contagious disease (Eczema epizoötica) of cattle, sheep, swine, etc., characterized by the formation of vesicles and ulcers in the mouth and about the hoofs.See also: Foot at that time (Thackeray 1993). Detailed examination of thephotograph suggests that the 'buckjumper' was a human figurewearing the skin and head of a hippotragine antelope, probably roan roana coat color consisting of a relatively uniform mixture of white and colored hairs, giving a 'silvered' hue; self-describing colors are red-roan, blue-roan, chestnut roan. (Hippotragus equinus Hippotragus equinusroan antelope. ) which have prominent erect manes and curved horns(Figure 5a), and which are widely distributed Adj. 1. widely distributed - growing or occurring in many parts of the world; "a cosmopolitan herb"; "cosmopolitan in distribution"cosmopolitanbionomics, environmental science, ecology - the branch of biology concerned with the relations between organisms in woodland savannahregions on the African continent (Figure 5b) (Dorst & Dandelot 1978;Skinner & Smithers Smithers is a surname, and may refer to: PeoplePeople with the surname SmithersCollier Twentyman Smithers, British artist Jan Smithers, American actress Joy Smithers, Australian actress William Smithers, American actor 1990). [FIGURES 3-5 OMITTED] Broad stripes, probably painted, appear to be represented on theside of the antelope skin worn by the 'buckjumper' (Figure 3).In this paper, I explore linguistic and ethnographic data in the contextof the possibility that stripes on the skin of the'buckjumper' were related to symbolic wounds (Thackeray 1993).Further, I explore Marshack's suggestion that fine-line incisionsrepresent wounds on the body of an animal depicted in a Holocene rockengraving from Wonderwerk Cave (Beaumont & Vogel 1989). This exampleof art mobilier was discovered in sealed archaeological deposits datedc. 4000 BP (Thackeray et al. 1981). It has been previously cited in thecontext of limited ethnographic and linguistic evidence for so-called'sympathetic hunting magic' from Africa (Frobenius 1931;Thackeray 1986), of the kind invoked by Reinach (1903) to interpretprehistoric art The perspective and/or examples in this article do not represent a world-wide view. Please [ edit] this page to improve its geographical balance. in Europe, related to the concept that 'likeproduces like' (Frazer 1911). Roan in language In southern Africa, one of the earliest known European observationsof roan antelope (Zool.) a very large South African antelope (Hippotragus equinus). It has long sharp horns and a stiff bright brown mane. Called also mahnya ltname>, equine antelope ltname>, and bastard gemsbok ltname>.See also: Roan was made in 1801 by William Somerville There have been a number of people named William Somerville: William Somervile (1675–1742), English poet (Somerville is an alternative spelling) William Somerville (Australian politician) (1869–1954), Western Australian politician and industrial arbitrator in a regionnorth of Wonderwerk and south of Logageng. He referred to the animal as'tackhaitse', apparently based on a local Tswana term. Theanimal was initially sketched by Daniell in reddish colours,corresponding to the colour of roan (Thackeray 1984). In a laterpublished volume, Daniell (1804) rendered the animal in a misleadinggrey, resembling the colour of the extinct 'bluebuck' frommore southerly regions. However, 'tackhaitse' is most likelyto have referred to roan, since this term is similar to other southernAfrican words for the antelope, including ndakadzi (Shangana), mtakayise(Nguni, Zulu and Swati) and ithaka (Ndebele) (Thackeray 1993). The form -taka is also found in a word meaning 'to make acoloured mark' in South Sotho (Mabille & Dieterlen 1937) spokenin Lesotho where the Melikane painting is situated. In addition, theforms taka ta��ka?n.See Table at currency.[Bengali , tzaka and saka are found in words for desire in severalBantu languages Bantu languages,group of African languages forming a subdivision of the Benue-Niger division of the Niger-Congo branch of the Niger-Kordofanian language family (see African languages). documented by Meinhof (1932). Similarly, Nguni wordsincorporating the term -loba refer to painted stripes, cuts and strongdesire (Bryant 1905). Words incorporating the form kwala or -kuala refernot only to roan, as in the Tswana term kwalata (Walker 1981), but alsoto writing, as in a Basarwa 'Bushman' term kwala (Bleek 1956),and to engraving in a (probably Tswana) word lokuala (cf. lokwala),referring to rock engravings in the interior of South Africa South Africa,Afrikaans Suid-Afrika, officially Republic of South Africa, republic (2005 est. pop. 44,344,000), 471,442 sq mi (1,221,037 sq km), S Africa. (Moffat,cited by Stow 1905: 27). Nguni (Xhosa) words incorporating the form-tshi relate to stripes, scratches or wounds (Thackeray & Gribble grib��ble?n.Any of several small wood-boring marine isopod crustaceans of the genus Limnoria, especially L. lignorum, which often damage underwater wooden structures. 2001) and the Xhosa verb ukuthsizatshiza, meaning 'to make stripesof red ochre' and 'to paint small regular stripes' (Kropf& Godfrey 1915), corresponds to ukutshitshiza, which is applied tothe stripes painted upon the bodies of male and initiated prior to aceremony known as the umtshilo when individuals danced and simulated theappearance and behaviour of animals (L.J. Botha, personalcommunication). Xhosa words incorporating the form hlaba, as inukuhlaba, refer to making a mark, to stab, pierce or kill (McLaren1984), and ukuhlaba in Xhosa also means 'to divine' (Kropf& Godfrey 1915), linked to ritual functionaries known as igqirha,phonetically identical to 'Bushman' !gi: xa (medicine-man), ofthe kind represented in the Melikane painting. North Sotho wordsincorporating hlaba refer to stabbing, wounding and roan antelope(Ziervogel & Mokgokong 1978). A methodology has been described to explore such word-sets in termsof potential conceptual associations which developed in prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to , notnecessarily confined to one area or one language (Thackeray 1994). Thelinguistic evidence presented here serves to support the suggestion thatartificial stripes on the side of the 'buckjumper' (Figures 3and 4) may have been intended to represent symbolic wounds (Thackeray1993), as an element of belief systems associated with rituals thatdeveloped in African prehistory, including rituals and beliefsassociated with roan where they occurred. Roan became highly aggressivewhen wounded. In South Africa, concepts known to be associated with awounded and dying roan include weeping or sympathy expressed by a hunterwhen stabbing the antelope, as documented by van Warmelo (1937) amongVenda Venda(vĕnd`ə), former black "homeland" and nominal republic, NE South Africa. It comprised two connected areas near the Zimbabwe border in what is now Limpopo prov. in an area near the modern southern limit of roan distribution inSouth Africa. A Venda name for roan is ndilanannyi, which itself means'with whom shall I share it?', said by a hunter whilepretending to weep, expressing sympathy while striking a dead or dyingroan; similarly, another Venda term for roan is thava-nda-lila, acompound of Venda words thava, meaning to pierce or to stab, and lila,referring to weeping, desire or longing (van Warmelo 1937). A NorthSotho word for roan is hlaba-ka-lela, a compound term based on hlaba (topierce, stab or wound) and lela, referring to weeping, lamentation lamentation,n a prayer expressing affliction or sorrow and requesting defense, retribution, or comfort. andthe bleating sounds of an animal. Taka and words of similar form refer not only to desire and roan,as recorded in Bantu languages, but also to concepts related to a dyinganimal, and these can be assessed in the context of the'buckjumper'. Notably, the form -taka occurs in the Xhosa verbukutaka, meaning 'to jump up quickly', and ukutakataka meant'to jump about from one place to another' in the context of ananimal in the throes of death (Kropf & Godfrey 1915). Perhaps notcoincidentally, the Tswana verb go thagatha means 'to kick in alldirections' referring to an animal under restraint (Brown 1971),and in a perfect tense this verb is rendered thagkathile, which isphonetically similar to Nguni -thakathi, a term for'sorcerers'. A context in which such concepts may have beenassociated may be sought by studying photographic evidence inTaylor's record of the 'buckjumper', which documents ahuman figure jumping like an animal, perhaps representing a roan in thethroes of death if stripes on the skin are regarded as symbolic wounds. Roan in ritual and beliefs Concepts associated with roan may have contributed to beliefsystems among people in areas where the antelope is today rare orextinct. In Nguni hunting rituals recorded by Lichtenstein (1812), ahunter played the role of a hunted, wounded and dying animal. The hunterwas symbolically wounded by other hunters in the belief that this was'absolutely necessary to ensure success' in the prospectivehunt. This remarkable account has been assessed in the context of theprinciple of sympathetic hunting magic (Thackeray 1986), noting alsothat emphasis was placed on the need for sharing meat if the hunt wassuccessful. It may not be coincidental that a word for roan incorporatesthe sense 'with whom shall I share it' (ndilanannyi, seeabove). In areas where roan did occur, rituals may have included thesimulation of a wounded roan antelope (cf. the 'buckjumper'under the skin of a roan with stripes perhaps representing wounds on itsside.) The name for the Nguni hunting rituals described by Lichtensteinwas probably inguba, defined by Dohne (1857) and associated with theverb ukuguba meaning to wound, to scratch, as in 'he hits the gamein the side, and it does not die thereof, he has only wounded it'.Dohne (1857) gives additional meanings for ukuguba, including 'toperform the hunting ceremonies, by raising, swinging and turning theshields and weapons used for hunting, and singing at the same time,feigning to have wounded or to have killed game'. Interaction between African population groups has occurred inrecent millennia in southern Africa (Jolly 1995; Thackeray 1990), and itis important to note that the Khoi title Tsui //Khoab (referring to atraditional 'supreme being') can be interpreted to mean'wounded roan' (Thackeray 1993), rather than the more obscure'wounded knee' (Hahn 1881). Furthermore, the Khoi termtsakhasib (sympathy, to feel with) is phonetically similar not only totsakatse (a Hadza term for dance) but also to -tsakatsi in a Swati/Nguniterm (batsakatsi) that referred to particularly powerful'diviners' (Kuper 1965) or 'sorcerers'('muthi-men') analogous to the Zulu term abathakathi,incorporating the form -thaka or -taka which is found in Nguni words forroan antelope and the performance of rituals associated withukuthakatha, during which ritual functionaries used two sticks (Botha& Thackeray 1987). Beliefs associated with roan antelope are expressed in Tyi Wararituals among the Bambara in Mali (Imperato 1970, 1975; Zahan 1980).Such rituals involve the adoption of a quadrupedal posture; the use oftwo sticks to represent forelimbs of an animal, similar to the poseadopted by the 'buckjumper'; and the use of woodenhead-dresses with wooden sculptures representing roan and/or otheranimals (Figure 6). The possibility that at least some conceptsassociated with the Tyi Wara and those associated with roan in SouthAfrica have a common heritage has been considered by Thackeray (1998) inthe context of linguistic, ethnographic and ethological data. Thispossibility is of particular interest since the Tyi Wara has previouslybeen considered to refer to the concept of a 'hard worker'(Imperato 1970, 1975), also expressed by words incorporating the forms-thaka (Thackeray 1998) and -kwalata (Mabille & Dieterlen 1937) insouthern African terms, and the same forms are found in South Africanwords for roan (Thackeray 1998), which is important in Tyi Wara ritualsand belief (Zahan 1980). Even more intriguing is the fact that the nameTyi Wara can be associated with another etymology etymology(ĕtĭmŏl`əjē), branch of linguistics that investigates the history, development, and origin of words. It was this study that chiefly revealed the regular relations of sounds in the Indo-European languages (as described . Since the Bambaraword tyi can mean 'to wound' (Bazin 1906), and since wararefers to a wild animal (including roan in the context of Bambarabeliefs associated with Tyi Wara), the very title Tyi Wara could haverelated to 'wounded roan' at some time, perhaps in a remoteperiod of African prehistory. Phonetically, the words tyi and chi (as inChi Wara) are similar to southern African words, including -tshi (Nguni)referring to a wound or stripe, the Khoi term tsui (wounded) as inTsui//Khoab associated with 'wounded roan' and !gi (a'Bushman" term for 'cut', also associated with'magic' or 'supernatural potency'). [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] In areas where roan did not occur due to ecological or otherfactors, the roles of roan in ritual may have been replaced by analogousanimals, including eland eland(ē`lənd), large, spiral-horned African antelope, genus Taurotragus, found in brush country or open forest at the edge of grasslands. Elands live in small herds and are primarily browsers rather than grazers. and rhebok which are commonly represented inrock art of the Drakensberg. On the basis of limited but valuableethnographic data (Bleek 1874; Orpen 1874), Lewis-Williams (1980, 1981)drew attention not only to the trance-dance scene as medicine-men('sorcerers') who had 'died' (experienced trance),but also to the perception that this occurred 'at the sametime' as the 'death' of the eland, and when themedicine-men 'tamed' or accessed control over the animal. ANguni term for taming incorporates the form -tsaka, also found in Nguniand 'Bushman' words for 'sorcerers' (Kuper 1965;Thackeray 1993) and dance (Bleek 1956), respectively. Among Nguni, skins of rhebok (Pelea capreolus) were used in huntingand in ritual contexts (Thackeray 1994). It has been suggested that theMelikane painting (described by an informant as 'men with rhebokheads') could have related in part to beliefs associated with youngmen and the social structure of antelope (Thackeray 1994). As in thecase of rhebok behaviour patterns, male roan engage in ritual fighting.Such behaviour, between male roan or between male rhebok, may havecontributed to belief systems associated with rituals in southernAfrica, including the use of 'fighting sticks'. This warrantsfurther attention, especially in the context of a rock engraving of twoantelopes facing each other, identified as roan, represented at Vaalpannear Kimberley to the south-east of Logageng, and which probablyrepresents male roan antelopes in ritual combat. With forelimbs raisedas if jumping, their posture is similar to that of a roan antelope in apainting at Giant's Castle Nature Reserve (Russell 2000). Notpreviously recorded is the fact that the roan at Giant's Castle hasartificial stripes painted on its body (Thackeray, unpublished). Roan and sorghum sorghum,tall, coarse annual (Sorghum vulgare) of the family Gramineae (grass family), somewhat similar in appearance to corn (but having the grain in a panicle rather than an ear) and used for much the same purposes. Roan antelope may have been related to fertility and food,including cereals. Marwick (1940) noted that certain substances of ananimal (such as its fat) were important in rituals performed by Nguniabatsakatsi (cf. abathakathi). Abatsakatsi 'medicines' (muthi)obtained by killing an antelope were associated with a belief that suchcompounds, planted in soil with seeds, would serve to increase theproductivity of prospective crops (Kuper 1965). Body parts of the animal(or even a human victim, euphemistically called 'a buck') werefrequently the testes, a fact which Matwick (1940) identified with'sympathetic magic' associated with fertility. Khoi ritualsassociated with Tsui//Khoab (here associated etymologically with'wounded roan') related to the desire for an abundance ofplant foods and the well-being of the people themselves (Hahn 1881;Schapera 1930). Tsui//Khoab is known to have been associated withconcepts related to productivity in rituals (/gei) associated with thedeath of an animal (Hoernle 1922), and Smith (1950) related suchpractices to the principle of sympathetic fertility magic. The ritualsof the Tyi Wara (above) are related to agriculture, the desire for aproductive harvest and the cultivation of sorghum. This cereal grain isbelieved to have been domesticated do��mes��ti��cate?tr.v. do��mes��ti��cat��ed, do��mes��ti��cat��ing, do��mes��ti��cates1. To cause to feel comfortable at home; make domestic.2. To adopt or make fit for domestic use or life.3. a. in north-east Africa, spreading morethan 2000 years ago to western and southern Africa (Harlan & Stemler1976), with distributions corresponding closely to those of roanantelope (Figure 7). Roan antelopes are distributed in areas which arenot waterlogged in wet seasons and in areas which are not desiccated indry periods of the year, and 'roan country' is recognised byAfrican agriculturalists as ideal for 'pioneer agriculture'(Kingdon 1982), a fact which may be relevant to the belief that the TyiWara is believed to have 'taught' agriculture to ancestralBambara (Thackeray 1998). [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] Roan, together with eland (Taurotragus oryx Taurotragus oryxsee eland. ), are among the largestextant African antelopes. Both are represented in South African rockengravings in the interior of the country (Fock 1979), but roan are rarerelative to eland and other animals in rock art in areas such as theDrakensberg where eland are especially well represented, together withrhebok (Pelea capreolus) (Pager 1971, 1975; Lewis-Williams 1981;Vinnicombe 1976). Faunal remains of eland and rhebok are relativelyabundant in Late Holocene cave deposits in the eastern Cape The Eastern Cape is a province of South Africa. Its capital is Bhisho. It was formed in 1994 out of the "independent" homelands of Transkei and Ciskei, as well as the eastern portion of the Cape Province. near thefoothills of the Drakensberg, in archaeological deposits dated toperiods within the past 3000 years, but roan are more commonlyrepresented in mid Holocene faunal assemblages in the same area(Opperman 1984). Changes in relative abundance and distribution of roanrepresented in cave deposits in South Africa, including Lesotho (Plug& Badenhorst 2001), may be attributable in part to hunting afteragriculture (including cultivation of sorghum) was introduced tosouthern Africa. Prehistoric analogues A late Holocene rock engraving of the hindquarters of a zebra fromWonderwerk Cave (Thackeray et al. 1981) includes finely incisedscratches on the rump of the animal (Figure 8a). These were recognisedmicroscopically and interpreted by Marshack as 'wounds' on theflank of the animal. The engraving was made on an isolated slab ofdolomite dolomite(dō`ləmīt', dŏl`ə–).1 Mineral, calcium magnesium carbonate, CaMg (CO3)2. (art mobilier) that appears to have been deliberately brokenacross the middle of the animal (Beaumont & Vogel 1989). Thepossibility that the c. 20 mm thick stone slab had been deliberatelybroken (requiring considerable force for breakage) was raised byThackeray (1986) in the context of limited evidence for so-called'sympathetic magic' in southern Africa, including L.J.Botha's observation of hunters (/auni and !gomani San in thesouthern Kalahari) shooting arrows at models of animals, andLebzelter's (1934) reference to a ritual which he associated with'sympathetic hunting magic': Before they go out to hunt, the Bushmen draw the animals in the sand and in a range of ceremonies they shoot their arrows. The place where the figure of the animal is hit is where they believe the wild animal will also be hit. [FIGURE 8 OMITTED] An example of art mobilier from the Apollo 11 cave in southernNamibia, perhaps dated 26000 By (Wendt 1974, 1976; Thackeray 1983a), wasalso broken through the middle of an image of a quadruped quadruped/quad��ru��ped/ (kwod��rah-ped)1. four-footed.2. an animal having four feet.quadru��pedalquadruped1. four-footed.2. an animal having four feet. (Figure 8b).Remarkably, the Apollo 11 painting represents a creature with two longslightly curved horns, suggestive of suggestive ofDecision making adjective Referring to a pattern by LM or imaging, that the interpreter associates with a particular–usually malignant lesion. See Aunt Millie approach, Defensive medicine. a hippotragine antelope, but thehind limbs resemble those of a human. Late Pleistocene The Late Pleistocene (also known as Upper Pleistocene or the Tarantian) is a stage of the Pleistocene Epoch. The beginning of the stage is defined by the base of Eemian interglacial phase before final glacial episode of Pleistocene 126,000 �� 5,000 years ago. and Holocenefaunal remains from Apollo 11 include material attributed to oryx oryx(ôr`ĭks), name for several small, horselike antelopes, genus Oryx, found in deserts and arid scrublands of Africa and Arabia. They feed on grasses and scrub and can go without water for long periods. (Thackeray 1979), a hippotragine with long straight horns, rather thancurved horns such as those of roan. Irrespective of irrespective ofprep.Without consideration of; regardless of.irrespective ofpreposition despitethe identity of theanimal represented in the Apollo 11 painting, the question arises as towhether it was associated with 'sympathetic hunting magic'involving deliberate damage to the representation of an animal,associated with success in a hunt. Discussion It is now a century since Reinach (1903) published his ideas inL'art et la magie on sympathetic hunting rituals in relation toUpper Palaeolithic art in France, with reference to marks interpreted aswounds on animals represented in paintings or engravings, such as thoseat Les Trois Freres copied by the Abbe Breuil, which includes an imageof a human figure (a 'sorcerer') with horns. Parallels withAfrican art African art,art created by the peoples south of the Sahara.The predominant art forms are masks and figures, which were generally used in religious ceremonies. can be identified, but these should be regarded ascomponents of belief systems that developed independently in differentareas within long periods of time, unless evidence can be found toindicate common heritage. In the engraving at Les Trois Freres, a bison with stripes(symbolic wounds?) on its rump appears to be turning its head to lookdirectly at the human figure with horns (Figure 9). Its posturepotentially relates to 'primary curiosity behaviour' which canbe stimulated by the use of hunting disguises. This has beendemonstrated in stalking experiments on African antelope, the results ofwhich were related to ethnographic evidence for the use of skin costumesand concepts of control among San in South Africa (Thackeray 1983b).'Primary curiosity behaviour' patterns can precede an animalwalking directly towards a disguised hunter ('secondary curiositybehaviour'), which San apparently related to 'supernaturalpotency' or concepts of control (Thackeray 1983b). Such behaviourpatterns in animals are widespread, and hunters worldwide could havetaken advantage of them, independently, to gain close access to animalsin hunting contexts. Curiosity behaviour can be stimulated with orwithout a disguise, but behavioural experiments conducted by Thackeray(1983b) suggested that the use of a skin disguise increased theprobability of encouraging an animal to approach a hunter, within therange of hunting weapons. The ability to take advantage of suchbehaviour may have contributed to the development of San concepts ofcontrol among 'medicine-men' who wore skin costumes and whowere believed to be able to control the movements of game; such conceptshave been related to South African rock paintings which include linesconnecting 'medicine-men' to animals (Thackeray 1983b). [FIGURE 9 OMITTED] Although interpretations of prehistoric art in terms of'sympathetic hunting magic' have been rejected byLewis-Williams (1982) in the context of southern African rock art, suchconcepts should not necessarily be discounted. At least some examples ofAfrican art or rituals are associated with the death of an animal and/ortrance, during which 'medicine-men' accessed'supernatural potency' (!gi) to facilitate control over gameand success in a hunt. The 'Bushman' word !gi referred notonly to 'magic' or 'potency', but also to scarifiedtattoo-marks and 'to cut' (Bleek 1956). Among/Xam and !Kung'Bushmen', cutting or scarification scarification/scar��i��fi��ca��tion/ (skar?i-fi-ka��shun) production in the skin of many small superficial scratches or punctures, as for introduction of vaccine. scar��i��fi��ca��tionn. on a hunter's face orbody was relevant to concepts of hunting success. Referring to /Xamaccounts recorded by Bleek (1936), Lewis-Williams (1981: 61) noted that'they used scarifications to ensure success in the hunt'.Regarding the !Kung, Lewis-Williams (1981: 61) went further to say thatsuch hunting success was 'the purpose of their ownscarifications'. Linguistic data presented here, including words incorporatingcommon forms taka or -thaka (referring to the making of a coloured markand to roan antelope), and hlaba (referring to roan antelope, stabbing,wounding and making a mark) suggest potential conceptual associations.The concept of desire is expressed by words incorporating the same formtaka, as well as by words incorporating the forms loba and lila,discussed here in the context of words for roan, painted stripes, marks,wounds or cuts (cf. cutting flesh and scarification expressed by !gi).These linguistic data, taken together with limited ethnographic datapresented above, are suggestive of conceptual associations betweenpainted stripes, wounds, symbolic marks and the desire for a successfulhunt. Conclusion The suggestion that the 'buckjumper' in Taylor'sphotograph relates to beliefs associated with a wounded animal iscompatible with ethnographic evidence which indicates that the Melikane'therianthropes' related to the death of an antelope, and tothe metaphorical 'death' of medicine-men who 'died'in trance at the same time as the 'death' of the animal overwhich they had control (cf. tsaka). It is suggested that painted stripeson the skin of the 'buckjumper' were symbolic of woundsassociated with sympathetic rituals of the kind known by the nameinguba, during which a hunter was identified with a wounded, dyinganimal linked to the belief that such rituals were essential to satisfythe desire for a successful hunt. Linguistic evidence reviewed hereincludes words for roan antelope, wounding, coloured marks, paintedstripes and desire. Conceptual associations reflected by common forms insuch words may have applied not only to the 'buckjumper', butalso to rock art. The practice of rock engraving and painting in South Africa clearlypredates the introduction of agriculture and pastoralism PastoralismArcadiamountainous region of ancient Greece; legendary for pastoral innocence of people. [Gk. Hist.: NCE, 136; Rom. Lit.: Eclogues; Span. Lit. in southernAfrica, but the concept of a 'wounded roan' may havecontributed to the development of beliefs at different times among adiversity of African peoples, including hunter-gatherers andagro-pastoralists. This deserves to be explored in the light ofetymology suggested for the Tyi Wara and Tsui//khoab ('woundedroan'). Despite its limitations, Taylor's photograph of a'buckjumper' (here associated with a wounded roan) should beconsidered as an extraordinary record, as valuable as the Melikanepainting for purposes of exploring and understanding factors whichcontributed to the development of concepts expressed in southern Africanrock art, as part of African and world heritage. Acknowledgements I am grateful to the McGregor Museum The McGregor Museum is a museum in Kimberley, South Africa.Cecil John Rhodes stayed in the building completed in 1897 during the South African War. It now houses a museum of South African natural and cultural history and has a number of important ethnological and for permission to reproduceW.H.C. Taylor's photograph of the 'buckjumper' and toP.J. Imperato for permission to reproduce a photograph of a Tyi Wararitual. The late N.J. van Warmelo assisted with terminology for roanantelope, and independently raised the question as to whether the Taylorphotograph of the 'buckjumper' related to a hunting ritual. Iam grateful to J.D. Lewis-Williams for stimulating discussions, and tothe late I. Dyen, the late E.O.J. Westphal, L.J. Botha, F. Prins and B.Smith for help with regard to linguistic and ethnographic data. 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