Tomb 100 at Cabezo Lucero: new light on goldworking in fourth-century BC Iberia.

Tomb 100 at Cabezo Lucero: new light on goldworking in fourth-century BC Iberia. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Introduction The goldwork goldwork,ornaments, jewelry, and vessels created from gold. Such works have figured in almost every stage of civilization as symbols of wealth and power.The Ancient WorldThe earliest-known fine goldwork is from Ur in Mesopotamia. Dating from c. of Iberia in the first millennium BC is justly famous(Figure 1). It is characterised by brazing, filigree filigree(fĭl`ĭgrē), ornamental work of fine gold or silver wire, often wrought into an openwork design and joined with matching solder and borax under the flame of the blowpipe. andgranulation--the 'Mediterranean trio.' These techniques can betraced back to 2500 BC in the Middle East (Wolters 1983), but reachedtechnical and iconographic excellence during the Iron Age ofMediterranean Europe. Brazing is the permanent metallurgical joining ofmetals to form a single more complex, more voluminous or hollow object,using high temperatures and a filler alloy (solder). This method lies atthe heart of filigree and granulation granulation/gran��u��la��tion/ (-shun)1. the division of a hard substance into small particles.2. the formation in wounds of small, rounded masses of tissue during healing; also the mass so formed. , two of the oldestjewellery-making techniques, which involve the use of tine tine(tin) a prong or pointed projection on an implement, as on a fork. tinen.1. The slender pointed end of an instrument, such as an explorer used in dentistry.2. threads andtiny gold drops respectively, brazed to a laminar laminar/lam��i��nar/ (lam��i-nar)1. pertaining to a lamina or laminae.2. laminated.3. of, pertaining to, or being a streamlined, smooth fluid flow. base to formornamental patterns. The grave goods from Tomb 100 at the Iberiannecropolis necropolis:see cemetery. necropolis(Greek: “city of the dead”) Extensive and elaborate burial place serving an ancient city. The locations of these cemeteries varied. of Cabezo Lucero throw new light on goldworking processes inthe mid fourth century BC. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The necropolis of Cabezo Lucero (Guardamar de Segura, Alicante),lies in the lower valley of the River Segura, 6km from its currentmouth. The corresponding fortified fortified (fôrt´fīd),adj containing additives more potent than the principal ingredient. settlement is approximately 200m tothe north and, so far, has not yet been fully excavated. The necropoliscovers an area of approximately 4200[m.sup.2] and dates from the earlyfifth century to the early fourth century BC. Tomb 100 contained theremains of an adult warrior. In addition to his standard militaryequipment the tomb contained a complete goldsmith's toolkitincluding some 50 specialised instruments. This exceptional find wasrecovered during excavation in 1986 but has remained unstudied until thepresent. Some of the instruments went on public display in 1992 as partof a small exhibition at the Museo Arqueologico de Alicante (Llobregat1992), and at an exhibition (The Iberians) held at the Grand Palais deParis (Aranegui-Gasco et al. 1997: nos. 69-78). Recently, 31 bronzedies--part of the set of tools discovered--were the subject of amonograph focusing on their iconography (Uroz Rodriguez 2006) and anarticle reflecting on the status of artisans in Iberian society (Graells2007). Some of the grave goods found in Tomb 100 are currently ondisplay at the new Museo Arqueologico de Alicante. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] Our purpose here is to describe this remarkable assemblage anddemonstrate its contribution towards understanding the techniques andcontext of goldworking in the Mediterranean Iron Age. A goldsmith's toolkit The materials found in Tomb 100 reflect ali of the stages ofjewellery production, from procuring the raw material, to its shaping,ornamentation ornamentationIn music, the addition of notes for expressive and aesthetic purposes. For example, a long note may be ornamented by repetition or by alternation with a neighboring note (“trill”); a skip to a nonadjacent note can be filled in with the intervening , and finally joining. Procurement: two balance plates have been identified; both are nowhighly deteriorated and fragmented (Figure 2a). One, about 40mm indiameter, is not perforated; the other, 72mm in diameter, has a centralperforation per��fo��ra��tionn.1. The act of perforating or the state of being perforated.2. An abnormal opening in a hollow organ or viscus, as one made by rupture or injury.PerforationA hole. . This weighing system also includes a disc-shaped weightwith an unusual perforation and four incised points (Figure 2a). Itscurrent weight is 9.36g. Shaping. once weighed and cut, the raw material was melted in acrucible. The ingot ingotMass of metal cast into a size and shape such as a bar, plate, or sheet convenient to store, transport, and work into a semifinished or finished product. The term also refers to a mold in which metal is so cast. obtained was then beaten with a hammer until a sheetof the desired thickness was obtained. This stage is represented by thelarger tools found, including iron tongs for the handling of crucibles,and two anvils. One of the latter, made of iron, is poorly preserved;the other, in bronze, has a circular work surface 47mm in diameter thatshows signs of deformation owing to prolonged use (Figure 2b). Thisgroup of tools also includes a bronze socketed hammer (Figure 2c), thehead of which measures 104 x 128mm. It is poorly preserved having beenfound within an encrusted mass of highly oxidised iron objects. Finally,there is a small saw that may have been used in some way for thetransformation of the raw material. Ornamentation: once sheets of the worked metal were obtained in anappropriate size and shape, these would have been stamped with thedesired dies. Two categories of die were found: relief (Figure 3d-h) andcountersunk coun��ter��sunk?v.Past tense and past participle of countersink. (Figure 3a-c). A relief punch was applied to the gold sheetand struck (the jeweller striking the opposite end of the punch) (Figure4a). In the use of a countersunk die, the sheet was placed over the die,which acted like an anvil anvilIron block on which metal is placed for shaping, originally by hand with a hammer. The blacksmith's anvil is usually of wrought iron (sometimes of cast iron), with a smooth working surface of hardened steel. , and different types of punches and chiselswere used to gradually press the metal over the die's motif (Figure3a-c). Four of the necessary punches for this operation have been found(Figure 4b). The simplest has a tine, round head, two have curved ends,and the fourth is flat, like a spatula spatula/spat��u��la/ (spach��u-lah) [L.]1. a wide, flat, blunt, usually flexible instrument of little thickness, used for spreading material on a smooth surface.2. a spatulate structure. . Joining: complex jewellery was made by putting togetherindependently manufactured pieces, or decorating them by affixingfiligree (tine wire) or granules (gold droplets). Brazing was requiredto fix the different elements together. Tools connected with theseoperations are rare but can be identified within the assemblage. One ofthe grave goods was a pair of bronze tweezers tweezersAn instrument with pincers used to grasp or extract. See Optical tweezers. originally classified asbelonging to the warrior's personal effects (Uroz Rodriguez 2006:41) (Figure 4c). However, Iberian men's tweezers had straight ends,appropriate for looking after the beard, but the tweezers of Tomb 100have pointed ends. It is therefore proposed that rather than being amasculine status symbol, these tweezers are a tool for holding andarranging threads of filigree and granulation spheres on the surface ofa worked sheet. Two other key objects take the form of hollow, bronze cones of100mm and 180mm in length, each with a tine hole in the end (Figure 5).These have been identified as drawing plates for the manufacture ofthreads (Uroz Rodriguez 2006: 43-44, fig. 16). Computed Tomographyimages generated as part of our study have revealed that the originalsection drawings of these tools are incorrect (Figure 6). The walls ofthe cones are thinner than shown in the original diagrams, and the smallhole at the end was approached via an interior step. This complexinternal design, along with the shape and material of these two objects(drawing plates are usually flat, iron objects) does not correspond tothe production of threads. Rather, these cones would have been used toproduce a high pressure stream of air. Air would have been introduced atthe wider end and have escaped at a greater pressure through the tinehole. Similar blowpipes are still used by some jewellers today. Modernblowpipes have the same configuration as those found in Tomb 100, theonly difference being that the end of modern brass cones are bent at90[degrees] to provide the jeweller a better view of the work area(Untracht 1987:410-11). It seems highly likely that these two objectsare blowpipes for brazing gold. Use of the brazing blowpipes The joins made by brazing performed with a mouth blowpipe blowpipe/blow��pipe/ (blo��pip) a tube through which a current of air is forced upon a flame to concentrate and intensify the heat. cannot bedistinguished from those involving brazing performed in a furnace and,until now, mouth blowpipes have never been identified as such in thearchaeological record. Apart from the shape of the objects themselves,is there any evidence that could support the proposed interpretation ofthe two bronze cones from Tomb 100 as mouth blowpipes? [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] A mouth blowpipe has a double purpose: first, to raise thetemperature of a heat source; and second, to direct that heat towards adesired point. The heat source could be a simple oil or animal fat lamp,the flames of which can reach around 1000[degrees]C. Blowing air acrossthe flame allows even higher temperatures to be reached whilechannelling that heat in a specific direction. Depending on theintensity of the airflow and the combustion zone, either an oxidising ora reducing flame can be directed at the desired point--the latter isrequired for brazing in jewellery-making. The heated metal changes incolour depending on the temperature reached, from dark red to orange towhite, facilitating the visual calculation of the temperature attained.In this way the melting point of part of a small metallic mass can bereached without affecting the surrounding area, allowing a filling goldalloy to melt in between the two pieces effectively fusing themtogether. The phase diagrams of the AuAg-Cu system (Prince 1988), whichshow the melting points of the different combinations possible (rangingfrom 800[degrees]C for alloys with the lowest melting points to1064[degrees]C for pure gold), indicate there to be ample margin for theefficient use of mouth blowpipes in jewellery manufacture. In addition,the control gained over the metal's temperature obtained byobserving the change in colour is better than that possible when placingthe entire object in a furnace. [FIGURE 5 OMITTED] [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] Further evidence of the use of mouth blowpipes is provided byIberian jewellery itself. A tongue pendant (Figure 7), of a relativelycommon type in use throughout the southern Iberian Peninsula during theseventh to fourth centuries BC, was found by chance in an area near thePhoenician necropolis of Cerro de la Velilla, in Almunecar (Blech 1986).This object is made from an oval sheet of gold, folded at the centre toform a hollow shape and to provide a means of suspension. Its edges arebrazed. The front is decorated by granulation depicting rhomboid rhomboid/rhom��boid/ (rom��boid) [Gr. rhombos rhomb +-oid ] having a shape similar to a rectangle that has been skewed to one side so that the angles are oblique. shapes.While these granules are well defined in the lower half of the object,in the upper area they appear to have almost completely melted, endingup embedded in the metallic mass that contained the filling material.Bearing in mind that the piece is only 15mm long and weighs just 0.75g,the difference in temperature that this partial melting of the piece hasundergone could only be produced by a mouth blowpipe used with littleskill (or luck) in the process of brazing. The context of the craft Thanks to the use of the scanning electron microscope scan��ning electron microscopen. Abbr. SEMAn electron microscope that forms a three-dimensional image on a cathode-ray tube by moving a beam of focused electrons across an object and reading both the electrons scattered by the object and (SEM), energydispersive dispersive/dis��per��sive/ (-per��siv)1. tending to become dispersed.2. promoting dispersion. analysis (SEM-EDX) and experimental archaeology (Duval &Eluere 1986; Duval et al. 1989; Ferro et al. 2003; Perea et al. 2004),we now know something of three procedures used in the joining process:a) brazing, generally involving an Au-Ag-Cu (but also Au-Ag) ternary (programming) ternary - A description of an operator taking three arguments. The only common example is C's ?: operator which is used in the form "CONDITION ? EXP1 : EXP2" and returns EXP1 if CONDITION is true else EXP2. alloy--or filling material or solder--that melted at a temperature lowerthan the parts to be joined; b) fusion bonding, using no solder butheating the worked piece to a temperature just below its melting pointenabling gold atoms to move in between the interface in order to producea metallic join; and c) reaction soldering using copper salts. Ali theseprocesses have been reproduced in the laboratory under the supposedtechnical conditions of the time (Perea et al. 1991; Nestler &Formigli 1994; Ferro et al. 2008). [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] However, debate surrounds what these 'technical conditions ofthe time' may have been. No archaeological evidence existsregarding the organisation of an Iberian goldsmith's workshop, norhave the remains of furnaces been found. Indeed, we previously knew verylittle about the specialised tools used, such as dies, punches or moulds(Perea & Armbruster 2009)-and even less about the social status ofthe goldsmiths (see below). This is not surprising since metallurgicalactivity practised outside of urban areas could have gone on for sometime without leaving recognisable remains. In addition, ethnological eth��nol��o��gy?n.1. The science that analyzes and compares human cultures, as in social structure, language, religion, and technology; cultural anthropology.2. evidence suggests that jewellers' tools were usually made byjewellers themselves, were precious to them, used over and over again,and never discarded (Armbruster 1995). It has always been supposed that even in the most complex ofpieces, with hundreds or perhaps even thousands of brazing points, thatthe entire object would have to be placed in a furnace and theindividual bonds made in a single heating procedure. However, someauthors indicate that the analytical evidence provided by certain piecespoints to the possibility that joining involved different methods andsuccessive heating procedures at ever cooler temperatures so as not tospoil any existing connections (Demortier 2004:29-31). The use ofblowpipes makes such precision possible. The spread of this technique was largely a consequence of themercantile activity of the Canaanite cities of the Syrio-Palestiniancoast during the second millennium BC and the later colonial expansionof the Phoenicians towards the central and western Mediterranean fromthe ninth century BC (Aubet 2001, 2009). In the Iberian Peninsula, wheretraditional gold metallurgy was based on hammering or lost wax casting,the first pieces made using the 'Mediterranean trio' appearedduring the last phase of the late Bronze Age (around the tenth-ninthcenturies BC) (Torres 2008)--at a time when Mediterranean goods fromcommercial Phoenician trading posts began to arrive (Armbruster &Perea 2007; Perea & Armbruster 2008). Towards the seventh century BC(in the social context of the Mediterranean heroic monarchies),Tartessian jewellery reached a technical complexity comparable to thatof Etruscan gold production (Cristofani & Martelli 1983). The piecesmade were unique in terms of their detail and manufacture although theybelonged to a formally and iconographically-determined type, and wereused by local elites who were buried with copious riches (Nicolini 1990;Perea 1991; Pingel 1992). From the fifth century BC, and the fourth century BC in particular,changes were seen in the demand for luxury products by Iberian societyboth in the southern Iberian Peninsula and in the Iberian Levant Levant(ləvănt`)[Ital.,=east], collective name for the countries of the eastern shore of the Mediterranean from Egypt to, and including, Turkey. . Thisis reflected in the grave goods. Collections of jewellery were no longerburied with their owners or given to temples, but were passed on toheirs. Gold had ceased to be an eminently ideological possession and hadbecome an object of commercial value (Perea 2000: 126). Production wasstandardised and in some workshops, such as the one in Cadiz (a formerPhoenician colony), jewellery was classified by price, reflecting amarket economy (Perea 2000). However, there was no total rupture betweenTartessian and Iberian production. Details of continuity have beenrecognised in the significance and use of a certain type of jewellery:the flexible band with triangular ends (Perea 2003, 2004). These pieces,traditionally known as diadems but whose real use remains unknown, weremade without interruption from the seventh century BC (when theprototype appeared) until the third century BC, maintaining a constantmorphological form throughout. These objects involved the most complextechnical and iconographic features of Iberian goldworking and appear instandardised hoards--like the one of Javea, Alicante (Figure 1), foundwith three necklaces and a brooch broochOrnamental pin with a clasp to attach it to a garment. Brooches developed from the Greek and Roman fibula, which resembled a decorative safety pin and was used as a fastening for cloaks and tunics. as well as other pieces (interpretedas a dowry dowry(dou`rē), the property that a woman brings to her husband at the time of the marriage. The dowry apparently originated in the giving of a marriage gift by the family of the bridegroom to the bride and the bestowal of money upon the bride by for a high-ranking woman; Perea 2006). The rest of Iberiangold production, known from grave goods, consists of smaller pieces suchas earrings, pendants and necklace beads. Knowledge of granulation gradually declined after the Roman perioduntil its complete loss after the Renaissance (c. AD 1600).Nineteenth-century excavations carried out in Italy unearthed Unearthed is the name of a Triple J project to find and "dig up" (hence the name) hidden talent in regional Australia.Unearthed has had three incarnations - they first visited each region of Australia where Triple J had a transmitter - 41 regions in all. rich setsof grave goods in Etruscan necropolises, including objects of gold withfiligree and granulation of remarkable quality. The jewellers of thenineteenth century undertook the first research into the technicalprocesses used to make them. The most well known of these'researchers' was Fortunato Pio Castellani (1861), whosereproductions and pastiches can now be seen at the Museo NazionaleEtrusco di Villa Giulia along with the Etruscan originals, and in theLouvre Louvre(l`vrə), foremost French museum of art, located in Paris. The building was a royal fortress and palace built by Philip II in the late 12th cent. (Gaultier & Metzger 2005). However, they found the processesused difficult to understand; thus began one of Europeanarchaeology's longest 'technological mysteries'. Who was he? During Iberian times the area around the Cabezo Lucero necropoliswas densely populated and well connected by sea and land. Its locationled to the establishment of Phoenician trading posts in the area, suchas La Fonteta, at the end of the eighth century BC (Rouillard et al.2007). Iberian settlements would develop later (Grau Mira 2003). Withthe decline of the Phoenician trading posts around Cadiz, the areaaround Cabezo Lucero would also become the main trade route from theMediterranean to the interior. Between 1980 and 1985 a Spanish-French team excavated around1225[m.sup.2] of the site that had become seriously affected byreforestation ReforestationThe reestablishment of forest cover either naturally or artificially. Given enough time, natural regeneration will usually occur in areas where temperatures and rainfall are adequate and when grazing and wildfires are not too frequent. activities and looters (Aranegui et al. 1993). Sixty-sixof a total of 94 findspots correspond to buried individuals. Theremaining 28 findspots were areas of cremation cremation,disposal of a corpse by fire. It is an ancient and widespread practice, second only to burial. It has been found among the chiefdoms of the Pacific Northwest, among Northern Athapascan bands in Alaska, and among Canadian cultural groups. and isolated deposits ofofferings (a considerable number of further excavated findspots remainunpublished). The tombs of Cabezo Lucero generally reflect the typology,ritual and common grave goods of necropolises of the Iberian Levantdating from the sixth and fifth centuries BC. Some peculiarities,however, do exist. The cremated bones and funerary fu��ner��ar��y?adj.Of or suitable for a funeral or burial.[Latin fner goods were found in situ, sometimesdeposited in an urn and placed in a hollow. The necropolis appears tohave been arranged around a number of main, richer tombs, which areclearly identified by quadrangular quadrangularhaving four angles. stone platforms that served as thebase of sculptures, the remains of which are now very fragmented. Some80 per cent of these represent bulls; the remainder represent lions andgriffins with a single bust of a woman (Llobregat & Jodin 1990). Thebust belongs to the Damas Ibericas series, although it is of inferiorworkmanship than the famous Dama de Elche found at the nearby site of LaAlcudia de Elche. It would appear that these platforms marked out spaceswhere family or gentilitatis groups were buried. Demographic pressureappears to have led to the partial destruction of some of the tombs withone tomb built over another. Ideological causes were also probablybehind intentional acts of destruction. The grave goods are abundant in imported Attic pottery; this iswell preserved in some 65 per cent of the tombs. This allows the date ofoccupation of the necropolis to be narrowed down to between the firstquarter of the fifth century BC and the first third of the fourthcentury BC. Some 74 per cent of the tombs belong to the fourth centuryBC; Tomb 100 is dated to the middle of this century. The socialstructures represented by this necropolis thus reflect the developmentof Iberian society between the fifth and fourth centuries BC, at a timewhen the heroic monarchies that had characterised the precedingorientalising phase were abandoned in favour of a warrior aristocracy(Ruiz & Molinos 1998). Although deposits of metallurgical tools, and occasionallygoldworking tools (Eluere 1982), have been discovered from the EuropeanBronze Age (Mordant mordant(môr`dənt)[Fr.,=biting], substance used in dyeing to fix certain dyes (mordant dyes) in cloth. Either the mordant (if it is colloidal) or a colloid produced by the mordant adheres to the fiber, attracting and fixing the colloidal et al. 1998), and although tombs containing tools ofdifferent artisans appear from the Iron Age in the Mediterranean(Graells 2007), no other toolkit like the present, containing thenecessary instruments for the complete production process, has ever beenfound. The very extraordinariness of this toolkit is a point to bear inmind when interpreting the social significance of Tomb 100. What kind ofperson would be buried with the standard trappings of an adult Iberianwarrior, indicative of his belonging to a privileged social class, yetalso be buried with a complete jeweller's toolkit? If the buried man were simply a craftsman, just a few of his tools(rather than his whole workshop) would have been buried with him as asymbol of his role within the group--independent of his social status;he almost certainly would have left the rest of his tools as aninheritance for his son or apprentice. Endorsement of this has beenfound at other Iberian necropolises. For example, the grave goods of theso-called Tomb of the Potter and of the tombs of several tanners at theEl Cigarralejo site, Murcia, were found to contain just a few of theburied men's tools (Blech & Ruano 1998). Tombs of Iberianprinces--with their monumental structures and more princely gravegoods--occasionally included measuring instruments amongst otherobjects. Such is the case of Tomb 200 at El Cigarralejo (Cuadrado 1987:355), the rich grave goods of which included balance plates and a set often weights, indicating the buried man's control over production. The bronze dies in Tomb 100, used to stamp sheets of gold andsilver, provide a unique document of Iberian collective imagery duringthe fifth-fourth centuries BC (Figure 3). Some of these dies provide arepertoire of images in the form of blocks with one or more sides workedto form negative motifs of women's faces (frontal view) in asetting of exuberant vegetation (Figure 3a & c), demonic masks andwolf heads (Figure 3a & b). Others are circular or oval withpositive motifs (Figure 3h). Some show complex scenes such as fightsbetween animals and men (e.g. one shows a warrior killing a griffin)(Figure 3d) or one of the recurrent motifs of orientalising and Iberianiconography, such as a human head crowned with that of a lion (Figure3e). Finally, others still represent complete objects such as a lotusflower, an amphora (Figure 4f), or the full face of bearded figure(Figure 3g). According to Uroz Rodriguez (2006), this extraordinary setof dies provides an iconographic program focused on two main topics:fertility and the heroic universe. This coincides with the greatprograms of Iberian stone sculpture (Chapa et al. 2009). Conclusion In our opinion, Tomb 100 at Cabezo Lucero introduces a new symbolicaspect to burial rites. The set of jeweller's tools includesobjects of extraordinary nature given the Iberian technology of thetime: on the one hand, dies representing a traditional iconographicprogram related to the renewal of life and power, and on the other,jeweller's mouth blowpipes; tools indicative of manufacturingskills reflecting an important technical advance. These probablyrepresented a relatively new, or precious, and thus socially restricted,technology. The possession and use of images is a privilege of thepowerful, as is access to advanced technologies. Although the tombcontained tongs, it included neither raw nor semi-worked material norcrucibles. However, the control of the artisan over the raw material isindicated by the balance and weight. It might therefore be concluded that, together, these objects, allrelated to the manufacture of jewellery, have a symbolic nature thatgoes beyond the direct association between tool and artisan. Thisvaluable and iconographically laden goldworking toolkit is itself astatement of power and extravagance and control over the means ofproduction Means Of Production is a compilation of Aim's early 12" and EP releases, recorded between 1995 and 1998. Track listing"Loop Dreams" – 5:30 "Diggin' Dizzy" – 5:33 "Let the Funk Ride" – 5:11 "Original Stuntmaster" – 6:33 . Acknowledgements This paper is part of the Research Project HUM2006-06250/HIST,within the Programme CONSOLIDER INGENIO 2010 (CSD-TCP), funded by theMinistry of Science and Innovation, Spain. The authors thank theDiputacion Provincial de Alicante for allowing us access to thearchaeological material. We are indebted to Manuel Olcina and Jorge A.Soler, directors of the Museo Arqueologico Provincial de Alicante, forproviding facilities and the best of atmospheres in which to work. Weare also indebted to Consuelo Roca for unending assistance and fortaking charge of the TAC imaging. Last but not least, we are mostgrateful to Teresa Chapa who read the first draft, and to the refereeswho made elegant and useful suggestions. Received: 27 October 2009: Revised: 22 March 2010; Accepted: 3 July2010 References ARANEGUI, C., G. GRAVIN, A. JODIN, E. LLOBREGAT, P. ROUILLARD &J. UROZ. 1993. La necropole iberique de Cabezo Lucero (Guardamar delSegura Guardamar del Segura is a municipality of the province of Alicante located at the mouth of the river Segura in southern Valencia (autonomous community) (Spain). It is a Mediterranean resort, with a large pine forest abutting an 11-km-long white sand beach. , Alicante) (Collection de la Casa de Velazquez 41). Madrid: Casade Velazquez; Alicante: Diputacion Provincial de Alicante. ARANEGUI-GASCO, C., J.P. MOHEN, P. ROUILLARD & C. ELUERE. 1997.Les Iberes. 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Alicia Perea (1) & Barbara Armbruster (2) (1) Grupo Arqueometal, Instituto de Historia, CCHS CCHS Cleveland Clinic Health SystemCCHS Canadian Community Health SurveyCCHS Central Catholic High School (Canton, Ohio)CCHS Congenital Central Hypoventilation SyndromeCCHS Catholic Central High School , CSIC, Albasanz26-28, 28037 Madrid, Spain (Email: alicia.perea@cchs.csic.es) (2) UMR UMR Unite Mixte de Recherche (French: Mixed Unit of Research )UMR University of Missouri - RollaUMR Upper Mississippi RiverUMR Uniform Methods and Rules (US Department of Agriculture)UMR Unit Manning Report 5608, CNRS CNRS Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (National Center for Scientific Research, France)CNRS Centro Nacional de Referencia Para El Sida (Argentinean National Reference Center for Aids), Universite de Toulouse le Mirail, 5, AlleesAntonio Machado, 31058 Toulouse, France (Email.barbara.armbruster@univ-tlse2.fr)