Tlaxcallan: the archaeology of an ancient republic in the New World.

Tlaxcallan: the archaeology of an ancient republic in the New World. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Introduction In Western history, the development of the modern nation-state orrepublic involved the construction of a political system that combinedlegal-rational bureaucracy (e.g. Weber 1947: 333) with some form ofcollective rule such as rule by council (e.g. congresses, parliaments,senates). Bureaucratic and governmental reforms were intended toovercome the despotic forms of government that dominated northern Europeand parts of Mediterranean Europe during the medieval period (e.g.England, France, Spain, Milan) (e.g. Bendix 1978). In the lateeighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and still often expressed now,Europeans and by extension Euro-Americans developed the philosophy thatthe social construction of nation-states and the rational social actionthey imply were uniquely European developments (Mills 1817; Hegel 1953;Marx 1973; Montesquieu 1989; for more recent expressions of similarideas see Wittfogel 1957; Hobsbawm 1985; Anderson 1991; Wolf 1999) andthat ancient republics are absent outside Mediterranean/European history(e.g. Nederman 2005: 2099). We suggest that this idea reflects, in part, a view of thenon-Western 'other' that is largely informed by a symbolicinversion of European history (rather than empirically supportablesocial analysis) that sees European society in opposition to supposeddespotism despotism,government by an absolute ruler unchecked by effective constitutional limits to his power. In Greek usage, a despot was ruler of a household and master of its slaves. in which powerful rulers were able to remain in power becausethe people they ruled were mired in irrationality (e.g. Anderson 1974:472; Vitkin 1981: 445). Recently, however, Western and non-Westernanthropologists, archaeologists and historians have begun to accumulatedata demonstrating that legal-rational bureaucracy and especiallycollective rule are not uniquely European in origin and are present inmany cultural traditions (e.g. Blanton & Fargher 2008). Importantly,recent work has demonstrated that collective rule or republics (stateswhich lack a king or monarch) developed in the Near East, south Asia This article is about the geopolitical region in Asia. For geophysical treatments, see Indian subcontinent. South Asia, also known as Southern Asia ,sub-Saharan Africa, and (possibly) China (see Liu 2004: 247-51)independent of European intervention. For example, numerous scholarshave drawn attention to historical evidence that late fourth- and earlythird-millennium BC cities in the Near East were governed by citizenassemblies similar to later Greek democracy (Jacobsen 1943; Postgate1992: 80-81; van de Mieroop 1997; Fleming 2004; cf. Raaflaub 1998: 31).In south Asia, the period from 1000 to 300 BC saw the emergence ofrepublics (gana or sangha sangha:see Buddhism. sanghaBuddhist monastic order, traditionally composed of four groups: monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen. Established by the Buddha, it is the world's oldest body of celibate clerics. ) (e.g. Licchavi) that rejected monarchy andplaced ruling power in the hands of a council or assembly drawn from theksatriya caste (J.P. Sharma 1968; Thapar 1984: 78-81; R.S. Sharma 1996:128-32). In nineteenth-century Swahili Lamu (East Africa), the politicalsystem was organised around a ruling council (diwan) which represented'the people' and elected leaders who served four-year terms,at which time they were replaced by elected leaders from the opposingmoiety moiety:see clan. (Prins 1967: 49, 100, 1971: 50; Horton & Middleton 2000:159-60). To this list we can now add the Americas. Our recent work hasdocumented the development of aspects of legal-rational bureaucracy,especially open and competitive recruitment, and a mix of governingcouncils and dynastic rule in the Aztec Triple Alliance This article refers to an alliance of three Aztec city-states. For other alliances of three parties, see Triple Alliance (disambiguation).The Aztec Triple Alliance, also known as The Aztec Empire (Fargher &Blanton 2007; Blanton & Fargher 2008; see also van Zantwijk 1985).And here, we describe the archaeology of a republic in the pre-ColumbianNew World, Tlaxcallan located in central Mexico. The archaeological remains of an ancient republic In August of 2009, we completed a systematic full-coverage study ofthe ancient city of Tlaxcallan, as well as a rural governmental complex(Tizatlan) on a hill located about 1km outside the city's limits(Figure 1). Between about AD 1250 and 1519 (the Late Postclassic periodof the central Mexican archaeological sequence The archaeological sequence or sequence for short, on a specific archaeological site can be defined on two levels of rigour. Normally it is adequate to equate it to archaeological record. However, the two terms are not exactly interchangeable. ) Tlaxcallan city wasconstructed rapidly on a series of hilltops and hillsides that havelittle evidence for occupation during any previous archaeologicalperiod. In less than 200 years, the city grew from a populationnumbering in the hundreds to an estimated 22 500-48 000 people in anarea of just 4.5[km.sup.2] (producing a population density of 50-107people per hectare) with domestic and public architecture covering3[km.sup.2] within the site. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] We were struck by the fact that the urban landscape we discoveredat Tlaxcallan was unlike other Mesoamerican cities that have beenstudied. For example, we were unable to locate any structures that wecould clearly identify as palaces. Mesoamerican palaces known from othersites typically feature multiple rooms and patios constructed atop largeplatforms. Some are quite substantial: the best-known examples cover 10000-20 000[m.sup.2] (we discuss Mesoamerican palaces in more detailbelow). While some residential structures at Tlaxcallan were elevated onlow platforms (no more than 1-2m high), even the largest example wouldhave supported a house no larger than 1000[m.sup.2]. Excavations ofmounded architecture and associated space on or near plazas by theMexican government in three different areas (two within Tlaxcallan andone in Tizatlan) uncovered only relatively small temples (Caso 1927;Fuentes 1927; Garcia Vega 1929; Noguera 1929; Contreras 1992a & b;Guevara Hernandez 1999a & b). Also, we were surprised to find noevidence that the Tlaxcaltecas built substantial pyramids like thosethat served as focal points for other Mesoamerican political centres.This is remarkable given the fact that Tlaxcallan is within 100km of theGreat Pyramid of Cholula The Great Pyramid of Cholula, the world's largest monument and largest Pre-Columbian pyramid by volume, is a huge complex located in Cholula, Puebla, Mexico.The temple-pyramid complex was built over many dozens of generations, from the 2nd century BC to the early 16th (the largest pyramid in Mesoamerica), thePyramid of the Sun The Pyramid of the Sun is the largest building in Teotihuac��n and one of the largest in Mesoamerica. Found along the Avenue of the Dead, in between the Pyramid of the Moon and the Ciudadela, and in the shadow of the massive mountain Cerro Gordo, the pyramid is part of a large at Teotihuacan and the Templo Mayor in Tenochtitlan(Mexico City Mexico CitySpanish Ciudad de MéxicoCity (pop., 2000: city, 8,605,239; 2003 metro. area est., 18,660,000), capital of Mexico. Located at an elevation of 7,350 ft (2,240 m), it is officially coterminous with the Federal District, which occupies 571 sq mi ), all of which were known to the Tlaxcaltecas. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] While the typical city plan in Late Postclassic central Mexicofeatures a central civic-ceremonial building complex adjacent to largerhouses and palaces (Smith 2008: 461,463,465,467) (Figure 2),Tlaxcallan's urban landscape consisted of large open plazassurrounded by residential terraces. We were able to locate 24 plazasdispersed throughout the site ranging in size from 450 to 10000[m.sup.2]. Plazas were constructed atop large terraces or platformsand were accessed through a network of stone-paved and walled roads thatpassed between terraces and were designed for public use. In some cases,the Tlaxcaltecas constructed small, low temples at the edges of theseplazas. There is no indication that any particular plaza played acentral role in the life of the city, as indicated by the convexrank-size graph of plaza area (A = .29; t-test = 1.77, [rho] = .04 fordivergence from rank-size) (cf. Johnson 1981; see also Drennan &Peterson 2004: 534-5) (Figure 3). The city's domestic zones alsodisplay considerable uniformity suggesting a minimal degree of socialdifferentiation. In nearly all areas of the site, multiple houses wereplaced on large terraces constructed with earthen fill, capped byrubble, and faced with cut stone. Terraces range in size from about 1000to 5000[m.sup.2] with retaining walls ranging from 50 to 300m in length.The scale of construction devoted to domestic use is impressive; thetotal length of linear terrace wall construction probably exceeded 50kmand represented by far the most overt expression of built environmentwithin the city. Examination of exposed profiles revealed that terraceswere typically constructed in a single phase. Moreover, exposedconstruction fill is basically sterile indicating that olderarchaeological deposits were not redistributed during the LatePostclassic. Also, there is little evidence that major levelling ofhilltops occurred. Therefore, we estimate the Tlaxcaltecas moved anestimated 1 000 000 to 1 500 000[m.sup.3] of fill for terraceconstruction, representing a rapid and monumental anthropogenic an��thro��po��gen��ic?adj.1. Of or relating to anthropogenesis.2. Caused by humans: anthropogenic degradation of the environment. modification of the landscape aimed principally at construction fordomestic purposes. [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] The main urban zone at Tlaxcallan was divided into at least 20neighbourhoods, each one focused on its own plaza. Based on descriptionsfrom early colonial Tlaxcala (Tlaxcallan's name after the conquest)(Anguiano & Chapa 1976), we think these subdivisions are examples oftlaca, which were neighbourhood-scale subdivisions of the teccalli oradministrative units of the Tlaxcallan state. As such, each one of theseneighbourhoods was administered and represented by an official(teuctli). While the main settled area of the urban centre was made up of 20neighbourhoods, our investigation suggests the possibility that thestate's main governmental complex was at Tizatlan (cf. MunozCamargo 1999: 63-4). Tizatlan is located about 1km outside the cityacross rugged terrain that shows no evidence of occupation (e.g.terraces, artefacts). Diagnostic ceramics recovered in excavations atTizatlan (Noguera 1929), and from our survey, are identical to potteryfound in Tlaxcallan city. Interestingly, although Tizatlan features amassive platform supporting mounded structures, there is no evidence ofa palace or any residential occupation. Instead, excavations conductedin the first part of the twentieth century uncovered a group ofsingle-room structures set on low platforms that bound two sides of asmall plaza or patio that, in turn, opens onto a massive plaza andterrace complex set on a huge platform (e.g. Caso 1927; Garcia Vega1929; Noguera 1929). The entire complex covers 14 800[m.sup.2],representing an estimated 60 000[m.sup.3] of construction fill. At thisscale, it is similar to Nezahualcoyotl's palace in Texcoco, whichcovered at least 11 400[m.sup.2] and required about 45 600[m.sup.3] offill (Parsons 1971: 362). However, Tizatlan looks more like a palacethat has been turned inside out or reversed (the rooms are at the centreand surrounded by massive open spaces as opposed to placing small patiosat the centre and surrounding them with many rooms and walls). It had aseries of monumental entrances that would facilitate access by largenumbers of persons (Munoz Camargo 1999: 60). Finally, Tizatlan is theonly monumental complex that we were able to document in the core areaof the Late Postclassic Tlaxcallan state and probably functioned as acentral place for the entire state, which covered about 1450[km.sup.2]and included an estimated 162 000-250 000 persons dispersed throughoutmany towns and villages (Gibson 1952: 138-42; Garcia Cook & Merino MerinoBreed of medium-sized sheep originating in Spain that has become prominent worldwide. It has a white face, white legs, and crimped fine-wool fleece. Known as early as the 12th century, it may have been a Moorish importation. Carrion 1991: 329; Munoz Camargo 1999: 60). [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] Discussion These archaeological data provide new insights on the settlementpattern associated with a unique and previously poorly documentedsociety and political system in ancient Mexico. Most notably, theTlaxcaltecan approach to building a political capital departed insignificant ways from other Mesoamerican polities. Every knownpre-Hispanic capital (seat of governance) in ancient Mesoamerica islocated within a city, which was the largest settlement within thatparticular state (e.g. Teotihuacan, Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, Monte Alban Mon��te Al��b��n?A ruined Zapotec city of southern Mexico near Oaxaca. Excavations (begun in 1931) have revealed that an advanced culture flourished here c. 200 b.c.,Chichen Itza Chi��ch��n It��z��?An ancient Mayan city of central Yucat��n in Mexico. It was founded c. a.d.514 and abandoned in 1194. There are extensive well-preserved ruins on the site. , Tikal, Xochicalco, Tula, Teposcolula, Tututepec, etc.)(Carr & Hazard 1961; Parsons 1971; Millon 1973; Calnek 1976; Blanton1978; Sanders et al. 1979; Diehl 1983; Puleston 1983; Healan 1989;Kowalewski et al. 1989, 2009; Stiver Walsh 2001; Mastache de Escobar etal. 2002; Joyce et al. 2004). Within cities, monumental publicarchitecture, which included palaces, ballcourts and temples built atopelevated platforms, was constructed on or adjacent to a central plaza oraxis (e.g. Teotihuacan) which dominated the entire settlement. Thesearchitectural complexes housed the rulers and associated politicalofficials that carried out the daily business associated with runningstates or empires. A comparative perspective on Mesoamerican palaces We know flora both archaeological and ethno-historic informationthat palaces functioned both as the residence of a dynastic ruler and asthe centre of political administrative activities (or as the court).According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Sahagun (1540-85 [2005] II: 309-314 [Libro 8, Cap. XIV])central Mexican palaces included rooms that housed criminal courts,civil courts, noble courts, war councils, storage areas, tax houses,music and dance halls, jails and residential areas occupied by theruling family. In archaeological examples from Monte Alban and Copan,the palace consisted of two sections, a more public zone located atop anacropolis acropolis(əkrŏp`əlĭs)[Gr.,=high point of the city], elevated, fortified section of various ancient Greek cities.TheAcropolis of Athens, a hill c.260 ft (80 m) high, with a flat oval top c. and a more private zone with residential occupation below andadjacent to the acropolis (Blanton 1978: 58, 61-2, fig. 4.3; Andrews etal. 2003: 94, figs. 3.1 & 3.2) (Figures 4 & 5). In the case ofTikal, Palenque and Xochicalco, the palace was constructed entirely atopan acropolis or high platform (Hirth 2000: 70, fig. 5.5; Harrison 2003:103-106, fig. 4.2; Sharer 2006: 452, fig. 8.35) (Figures 6-8). Finally,the core of Cantona (Figure 9), from our point of view, contains anumber of palatial pa��la��tial?adj.1. Of or suitable for a palace: palatial furnishings.2. Of the nature of a palace, as in spaciousness or ornateness: a palatial yacht. complexes with internal patios instead of plazas(Garcia Cook & Merino Carrion 1998: 197, fig. 3). At all of thesites mentioned, the palaces have diverse internal architecturalpatterns suggesting a range of different activities were carried outwithin their walls. Also, at all of the sites, the palaces are locatedon relatively closed and tightly controlled plazas that would havelimited access to both the plaza itself and the ruler's palace(except Cantona, which lacks public space in its core zone). [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] In the Postclassic northern Maya lowlands, architectural patternsdeviated from those described above. At sites such as Chichen Itza andMayapan, plazas were constructed around a much more open pattern thatwould have allowed for more public access (Ringle & Bey 2001: figs9.2 & 9.7). Acropolis structures are absent and palatial residencesare on the edges of public areas. Scholars suggest that these more openforms and new styles of architecture, especially the colonnaded hall,became the centres of administrative activities or the court (e.g.Ringle & Bey 2001: 276). These patterns have been associated, in thepast, with a more collective or corporate political organisation A political organization is any organization or group that is concerned with, or involved in the political process. Political organizations can include everything from special interest groups who lobby politicians for change, to think tanks that propose policy alternatives, to calledmul tepal (joint rule) (Roys 1965: 669; Blanton et al. 1996: 12; Ringle& Bey 2001: 273). In these systems, ruling councils are moreimportant, suggesting a possible analogy to Tlaxcallan; however,dynastic rulers remain prominent despite the constraints on theirbehaviour (Ringle & Bey 2001: 274-5; Ringle 2004). The presence ofdynastic rulers is evidenced in both iconographic displays and elaborateresidences at both Chichen Itza and Mayapan. For example, Ringle (2004:fig. 3) identified a dynastic ruler in murals on the wall of theballcourt's north temple at Chichen Itza. The presence of adynastic ruler is supported by the wide distribution of jaguar thronesthroughout the site (Ringle & Bey 2001: 277-8). Moreover, Kowalski(2003: 232, 234-5) suggests that the Monjas complex and Akab Dzib werepalaces and that the latter possibly housed the dynastic ruler and hislineage (Figure 10). Not surprisingly, the Monjas is also associatedwith a jaguar throne (Kowalski 2003: 234). [FIGURE 8 OMITTED] [FIGURE 9 OMITTED] At Mayapan, stelae dating to the Late Postclassic contain images ofrulers (Milbrath & Peraza Lope 2009: 599-600, fig. 15). Furthermore,ethno-historic descriptions indicate that although a number of bothpowerful and secondary lineages resided at the site, the Cocom lineagedominated the city, until the Xiu overthrew them (Ringle & Bey 2001:274; Sharer 2006: 602-604). Architectural analysis suggests that thecentre of Mayapan consisted of a series of small plaza complexes thatsurrounded the central and most important plaza (Ringle & Bey 2001:285-7, fig. 9.7). Each of these small plaza complexes served as theadministrative headquarters for the ruling lineages that resided at thesite (Ringle & Bey 2001: 285-6). Although residing at Mayapan, theymaintained relative autonomy in their respective territories (Ringle& Bey 2001: 274-5; Sharer 2006: 603). The largest and most importantplaza at the centre of the arrangement was probably controlled by thehighest ranked lineage, the Cocom, which claimed the kingship ofMayapan. At the edge of the public core of the site, the CarnegieProject excavated a palatial residence that could have functioned as theresidence of the ruling Cocom lineage (Milbrath & Peraza Lope 2009:598). Finally, the central district was walled off from the rest of thecity, suggesting some degree of exclusivity not apparent at Chichen Itza(Ringle & Bey 2001: 286; Sharer 2006: fig. 10.1). [FIGURE 10 OMITTED] Clearly, palaces and associated public spaces were highly importantfeatures of Mesoamerican states. However, the more corporate statesseparated the public and private sections of the palace and relocatedpublic functions to central plazas. Apparently, the Tlaxcaltecas tookthis pattern a step further, doing away with the palace entirely andreplacing the central plaza with numerous relatively equally rankedplazas. The absence of a palace and the multitude of plazas resultedfrom a political system that abandoned dynastic rule and replaced itwith a highly decentralised and much more open system. If plaza areasfunctioned as nodes for administration and political activities (e.g.Ringle & Bey 2001: 276), then governance of Tlaxcallan city wasdivided into at least 20 horizontally organised and unranked sections.However, to achieve an integrated political structure, the Tlaxcaltecasselected Tizatlan, an isolated hilltop outside the city, for theconstruction of a neutral meeting place for political officials thatgoverned these sections and probably other sections of the state. Conclusion We think the archaeological data described in this articlerepresents the material manifestation of a republican model forgovernance in Late Postclassic Tlaxcallan. That is to say, a system,like Rome, Venice or Licchavi, that placed political power in the handsof a ruling council and not a hereditary monarch or king. Our conclusionis consistent with ethno-historic data that suggests that a councilconsisting of between 50 and 200 officials (teteuctin) governedTlaxcallan (Fargher et al. 2010). Importantly, Tlaxcallan's mainresidential zone, with its multiple plazas and associated residentialzones, lacks any obvious central complex of civic-ceremonial buildings,especially palaces; in fact, it is not clear that any structure in thiszone was comparable to Mesoamerican palaces. Moreover, the chiefgoverning complex was located in Tizatlan and separated from the mainresidential zone. With its massive and largely open plaza space andspacious entryways, but without a clear palace structure, Tizatlan seemsto have been designed principally to host large numbers of visitors.Such a pattern has not been described previously for Mesoamerica, makingTlaxcallan unique there (at least for the moment). Acknowledgements We thank Mexico's Instituto Nacional de Antropologia eHistoria and its regional centre in Tlaxcala for providing permissionsand logistical support for our project. We extend special thanks to themodern communities of Tepeticpac, Teotlalpan, Quiahuixtlan, Ocotelulco,Acxotla del Rio Del Rio(rē`ō), city (1990 pop. 30,705), seat of Val Verde co., W Tex., on the Rio Grande opposite Ciudad Acuña, Mexico; founded 1868, inc. 1911. , Chimalpa and San Miguel San Miguel(sän mēgĕl`), city (1993 pop. 118,214), E El Salvador, at the foot of San Miguel volcano (6,996 ft/2,132 m). It has textile, rope, and dairy-products industries. The region produces cotton, henequen, and vegetable oil. Tlamahuco for allowing us towork in their fields, yards and streets. Finally we thank PurdueUniversity Purdue University(pərdy`, -d`), main campus at West Lafayette, Ind. , the Colegio de Michoacan, FAMSI FAMSI Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. , the National GeographicalSociety (Grant #8008-06), and the National Science Foundation (Grant0809643-BCS) for their financial and logistical support. All errors oromissions are the sole responsibility of the authors. Received: 28 January 2010; Revised: 10 May 2010; Accepted: 3 July2010 Reterences ANDERSON, B. 1991. Imagined communities The imagined community is a concept coined by Benedict Anderson which states that a nation is a community socially constructed and ultimately imagined by the people who perceive themselves as part of that group. : reflections on the originand spread of Nationalism. London: Verso ver��so?n. pl. ver��sos1. A left-hand page of a book or the reverse side of a leaf, as opposed to the recto.2. The back of a coin or medal. . ANDERSON, P. 1974. 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Postal 73, Cordemex, 97310, Merida, Yuc., Mexico (Email:lfargher@purdue.edu) (2) Department of Anthropology, Purdue University, Stone Hall, 700West State Street, West Lafayette, IN 47907, USA (3) Centro de Estudios Arqueologicos, El Colegio de Michoacan,A.C., Cerro de Nahuatzen 85, Frac. Jardines del Cerro Grande, 59379, LaPiedad, Michoacan, Mexico (4) Department of Anthropology, Northwestern University, 1810Hinman Avenue, Evanston, IL 60208, USA (5) Department of Anthropology, Tulane University, 7041 FreretStreet, New Orleans, LA 70118, USA * Author for correspondence