Torres Strait and Dawdhay: Dimensions of Self and Otherness on Yam Island [1].

Torres Strait and Dawdhay: Dimensions of Self and Otherness on Yam Island [1]. ABSTRACT When Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea(păp`ə, –y attained independence two decades ago anabsolute distinction was created between Papua New Guinea and the TonesStrait: Papuans were firmly placed in Papua New Guinea territory andTones Strait Islanders in Australian territory. In constitutingthemselves as Torres Strait Islanders Torres Strait Islanders are the indigenous people of the Torres Strait Islands, part of Queensland, Australia. They are Melanesians culturally akin to the coastal peoples of Papua New Guinea. and more specifically asAustralians, Yam Island people's contemporary expressions of theirconnection to, yet distance from, lowland Papua New Guinea can be bestdescribed as ambivalent, pulsing between identification andincorporation, distance and disavowal dis��a��vow?tr.v. dis��a��vowed, dis��a��vow��ing, dis��a��vowsTo disclaim knowledge of, responsibility for, or association with. . I argue that this ambivalence is not an artefact See artifact. of theestablishment of the border per se, but rather it was through theestablishment of the border that a new layer was added to Self and Otherconstructions by Yam Island people in terms of how they see themselvesand their Papuan neighbours. The sometimes fraught nature of thisrelationship can be understood in light of the continuingsocio-political impacts of these international border lines on peoplewho have recently combined a somewhat legalistic le��gal��ism?n.1. Strict, literal adherence to the law or to a particular code, as of religion or morality.2. A legal word, expression, or rule. and politicaldefinition of themselves, and of Papuans, with perennial extra-legaldefinitions. I suggest it is in isolating and exploring domains ofinteraction that we can see the fluidity and dynamism of Self and Otherdefinitions in operation, and in so doing better appreciate theiressential imbrication imbricationsurgical pleating and folding of tissue to realign organs and provide extra support, e.g. chronically stretched joint capsule.Flo imbrication . The people used to live over at Tudu, [2] Warrior Island.That's where that old King Kebisu used to live. He was a greatwarrior you know, quite an unbeatable bloke[ldots]The canoes from PapuaNew Guinea came across trading [ldots]or for other reasons. Andeverytime they came they lost their heads. He [Kebisu] collected alltheir heads and treasured them. (Mr Getano Lui snr, pers. comm. 1980) When Papua New Guinea attained independence from Australia in 1975an international border was created, leading to a strict demarcation ofspheres of influence and control between two nation states. Prior tothis drawing of new lines on a map, Torres Strait Islanders and theirPapuan neighbours were part of the same nation-state. The newinternational border, however, firmly placed Papuans in Papua NewGuinean territory and Tones Strait Islanders in Australian territory,thereby having repercussions repercussionsnpl → r��percussions fplrepercussionsnpl → Auswirkungen plfor the ways in which two groups of peopleresident within those countries constitute themselves and each other. Inthis paper I draw upon some examples from Yam, a small island communityin the Torres Strait Torres Strait(tŏr`ĭz, –rĭs), channel, c.95 mi (153 km) wide, between New Guinea and Cape York Peninsula of Australia. It connects the Arafura and Coral seas. , anchored firmly within the borders of Australia,to show that with the emergence of Papua New Guinea as an independentstate, an extra dimension or layer has been added to the ways in whichthey have come to perceive themselves and their Papuan neighbours. Myargument is that the sometimes fraught nature of this relationship maybe better understood in light of the continuing socio-political impactsof the international border line on people who have combined thissomewhat legalistic, and political distinction of themselves fromPapuans, with perennial extra-legal definitions of their relationship.More specifically it is argued that this relationship may be bettercharacterised as ambivalent, and that indeed this relationship may havealways been ambivalent. The quotation at the beginning of this paper beautifullyarticulates the ambivalence Yam Island people express about this Papuanconnection. In extolling the virtues and indomitable in��dom��i��ta��ble?adj.Incapable of being overcome, subdued, or vanquished; unconquerable.[Late Latin indomit power of Kebisu,the legendary nineteeenth century Yam-Tudu leader, the speaker collapsesthe exchange and feuding relations between Tudu and Dawdhay (Papua) intoequivalent and simultaneous occasions of trade and headhunting, with thetaking of Papuan heads being posited as the inevitable outcome of eachexchange encounter. This conflation (database) conflation - Combining or blending of two or more versions of a text; confusion or mixing up. Conflation algorithms are used in databases. of a complex set of relations whichcontinue to obtain between Yam-Tudu Islanders and Papuan villagers,exemplifies an oscillating tension and ambivalence in which Papuanvillagers are conceptualised by Yam Island people as being both friendsand foe, Self and Other. [3] In looking at the ways in which such ambivalence is typicallyexpressed, I suggest that the boundaries between these Selves andOthers, in this particular social context, are more suitably viewed asbeing both mutable and contextual. In examining the areas of overlap insocial interaction from this perspective, we are better able toappreciate the fluid dynamic between cultural groups. Furthermore, itenables us to understand that conceptualising membership in one group orthe other as being essentially dichotomous di��chot��o��mous?adj.1. Divided or dividing into two parts or classifications.2. Characterized by dichotomy.di��chot , misrepresents thefundamental dynamic of identity construction and negotiation. This isparticularly the case at the level of close, social interactions. Thework of Bhabha (1983; 1984) is especially enlightening for this topic inthe manner in which he looks at the contradictory, transgressive,ambivalent, disturbing and confirmatory spaces and sites within whichselves are constructed and deconstructed. His work allows us to shiftour gaze from the unifying characteristics of self-realisation a ndconstruction, to the shifting and slippery dimensions which necessarilycome into play. A group or an individual is simultaneously subjectively defined, asa Self, and as an Other comprised of external 'objective'definitions (Epstein 1978: 14). Such classifications are 'mutuallydeterminative' (Errington & Gewertz 1995: 4). When we take intoconsideration the components of identity which the majority societyattempts to impose on minority cultural groups in the nation-state, wecan see how these external definitions all serve to impinge on andchallenge a group's self-concepts and sense of identity. Theseexternal definitions may be taken on board, for instance, as a LookingGlass Self (Cooley 1902), in which people come to see themselves asothers see them; they may be contested, or in still other instances theymay be subverted. The predominantly ascribed identity defined by theAustralian nation-state for Torres Strait Islanders and Papuans, and theemergence of Papua New Guinea as an independent nation, constitutes onlyone component of the backdrop against which Yam Islanders have constructed tropes of themselves and of Papuans. [4] In this article I consider some of the subjective dimensions of theYam Island self -- at both the individual and group levels -- and thedomains within which these selves, these particular subjectivities areenacted. I illustrate how Yam Islanders' associations andself-definitions in relation to their Papuan neighbours, at the village,regional, national and international levels, pulse between degrees ofinclusion and exclusion, incorporation and disavowal. For all humanbeings the forms and content of the Self and the Other are essentiallyvariable and fluid: the Other 'expands as "us" contractsand contracts as "us" expands' (Carrier 1992: 207), andthis can be seen to have been occuring for Yam Island people in the waysin which they have defined and imagined both themselves and Papuans. Yam Island is situated in the Central administrative and culturalregion of the Torres Strait, a mere 70km to the south of coastal Papua.This tiny island of 2km is currently home to some 250 residents,primarily descendants of the Kulkalgal of Tudu-Yam and Gebar. Theoriginal Yam Islanders were principally based on the nearby island ofTudu, but as part of their colonial history, were relocated permanentlyon Yam at the turn of the century. The islands of Tudu, Gebar, Mukar andZegey still constitute an essential component of the physical, socialand historical universe of Yam Island people. Not only are these islandsregularly exploited in subsistence activities, but they continue tooccupy an integral place in the self-constructions of Yam Island people. Traditionally the Kulkalgal of Tudu-Yam occupied an intermediaryposition in the Torres Strait, both geographically and culturally, andplayed a significant role in inter-island and island-Papuan exchangenetworks. They commanded fishing, shell-fishing and travel along theextensive Warrior Reefs (Haddon 1935: 75), and maintained their powerbase through the advantages of trade and involvement in endemic warringand the taking of heads. The patri-moiety based Sigay-Mayaw cult on Yamwas dedicated to the pursuit of warfare. Because of its central location, peoples from the Eastern andWestern islands in the Torres Strait travelled to Tudu to trade (Beckett1978), and Moresby (1876) attributed the power of the Kulkalgal to thisprime location, and to their ownership of several large canoesoriginating in Dawdhay (Papua). Exchange networks criss-crossed thearea, connecting Torres Strait Island peoples with each other, with CapeYork Noun 1. Cape York - the northern tip of Cape York Peninsula at the Torres Strait; the northernmost point of the Australian mainlandAustralia, Commonwealth of Australia - a nation occupying the whole of the Australian continent; Aboriginal tribes are thought to peoples to the south, and with coastal Papuans to the north. Socritical was the connection with Papua, that Beckett has claimed theregional Torres Strait economy was 'underwritten' by thePapuans (1987:26). Exchange relations between lowland Papuan villages and Yam Islandhave a long, well established history (Landtman 1927; Haddon 1935, 1904;M. Kelly pers. comm. 1982; Laade 1968). Maino of Yam-Tudu, whoseleadership spanned the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries,told MacFarlane MacFarlane or Macfarlane is a surname shared by: Alan Macfarlane (born 1941), a professor of anthropological science at Cambridge University Alexander Macfarlane (mathematician) (1851-1913), a Scottish-Canadian logician, physicist, and mathematician the association between Dawdhay and Tudu began when aPapuan villager travelled to Tudu in a canoe. There he was befriended bytwo brothers and subsequently fathered several children with one oftheir daughters. Eventually his Papuan son found him on Tudu, and thepopulation further increased. The son returned to Papua and a few dayslater canoes from Tudu followed him, heralding the beginning of exchangerelations between Tudu and Dawdhay. Meidha, the first Yarn Islander, iscredited with having forged these links between Yam-Tudu people and thevillagers of Tureture, Old Mawat, and Mabaduan (W. MacFarlane1928-1929). In 1893 Sir William MacGregor Sir William MacGregor GCMG, CB, (20 October 1846 – 3 July 1919) was a Governor of Newfoundland and Governor of Queensland. Early lifeMacGregor was born in the parish of Towie, Aberdeenshire, Scotland. He was the eldest son of John Macgregor, a farm labourer. spoke of the close associationbetween Tudu and Papua, noting that most of th e Tudu Islanders'food came from these villages (White 1981; Haddon 1935: 74; Laade 1968:152-53). These three remain the prime Papuan villages with which YamIsland people continue to interact in the 1990s. Dramatic changes for Torres Strait Island people were heralded withthe intermittent appearance of Europeans in their waters from the 1600s,and their more regular incursions in the 1 840s. During the first fewdecades of sustained contact with outsiders, traditional power baseswere fundamentally altered. Commercial fisheries in concert withmissionary and government activity in the Torres Strait region since thelate 1800s effected innumerable changes in the islands. Through theb[hat{e}]che-de-mer and pearl shelling industries alone, warfare wasdiscouraged, Yam-Tudu social organisation Noun 1. social organisation - the people in a society considered as a system organized by a characteristic pattern of relationships; "the social organization of England and America is very different"; "sociologists have studied the changing structure of the family" was undermined, and themicroenvironments of their tiny islands were badly damaged. They becameincreasingly sedentary and progressively men, women and children wereforced into work schedules which not only interrupted their traditionalschedules, but meant they now worked for a master. On Tudu there was anuneasy balance of truce and warfare between the Kulkalgal and theinvaders. The establishment of b[hat{e}]che-de-mer and pearlshellfishing stations on the island in the 1860s fundamentally changed thenature of the interactions, with the infamous warrior Kebisu and hispeople agreeing to terms laid down by the station owner. By the time the London Missionary Society The London Missionary Society was a non-denominational missionary society formed in England in 1795 by evangelical Anglicans and Nonconformists, largely Congregationalist in outlook, with missions in the islands of the South Pacific and Africa. missionaries approachedthe Central Islands of the Tones Strait in the 1870s, the Kulkalgal hadalready been brought under a good deal of control by the use of colonialand individual force on the frontier On the Frontier: A Melodrama in Two Acts, by W. H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood, was the third and last play in the Auden-Isherwood collaboration, first published in 1938. . The missionaries were involved inbanning particular cultural practices, the destruction of sites ofsignificance, regulation of social life, the introduction of newmaterial goods, training clergy, creating new positions of leadershipand influence, and introducing new ideas and new rituals, both secularand sacred (Fuary 1991). Unlike his successor Maino who availed himselfof the new systems of authority, the leader Kebisu oscillated betweenappearing to accept the compounding authority and power of the shellers,government officials and missionaries, and resorting to direct violenceand subterfuge sub��ter��fuge?n.A deceptive stratagem or device: "the paltry subterfuge of an anonymous signature"Robert Smith Surtees. (Fuary 1991). The subsequent institutionalisation This article or section needs sourcesorreferences that appear in reliable, third-party publications. Alone, primary sources and sources affiliated with the subject of this article are not sufficient for an accurate encyclopedia article. of Tudu-Yam people on a reserveat Yam Island under church and government control in the nineteenth andtwentieth centuries, and their nominal deinstitutionalisation Deinstitutionalisation is the practice of moving people (especially those with developmental disability) from mental institutions into community-based or family-based environments. with theabolition of reserve status in the 1980s, is especially significant inhaving produced contradictory notions of self and community. YamIslanders have become increasingly incorporated into a politicoeconomicorder in which they are fundamentally dependent on the state. Currentlytheir interests are represented at the village and regional levels byelected councils responsible for negotiating the ever-changingparameters of State and Federal government. In comparison to thenon-Torres Strait Islander Australian population, Yam Island peopleexperience unacceptably high rates of morbidity and mortality Morbidity and Mortality can refer to: Morbidity & Mortality, a term used in medicine Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, a medical publication See alsoMorbidity, a medical term Mortality, a medical term , endemicunemployment, and relatively constrained educational opportunities. Part of what has resulted from the colonial experience for theKulkalgal of Yam-Tudu is the emergence of an identity signifying theirlives as Yam Islanders, in which the distant pre-colonial past, therecent past, and the present radiate ra��di��atev.1. To spread out in all directions from a center.2. To emit or be emitted as radiation.ra outwards to connect people witheach other, with Yam Island, and with its territories. They engage inpractices which actualise and signify their essential identity anddifference from other Australians. These practices all denote who YamIslanders are today and connect them with who they see themselves ashaving been, both prior to the invasion of their waters by Europeans,and since. Central to this Yam Island sense of self is a recognition ofthe long term processes of colonialism by which they acknowledge andcelebrate their descent from a number of peoples: the fierce Tudu menand women; a variety of Pacific Islander Pacific Islandern.1. A native or inhabitant of any of the Polynesian, Micronesian, or Melanesian islands of Oceania.2. A person of Polynesian, Micronesian, or Melanesian descent. See Usage Note at Asian. , South East Asian and Caribbeanmen and women; women and men from other Torres Strait islands Torres Strait IslandsIsland group, in the Torres Strait between Australia and New Guinea. The inhabitants are a mixture of Polynesians, Melanesians, and Aboriginals. ; and fromspecific Papuan villages. These great grandparents connect the YamIsland people of the 1990s to particular times and phases of thecolonial process, and their children and grandchildren connect them tothe recent past, present and future. Yam Island people build their sense of in-group consciousness andbeing through the recurrent use of idiosyncratic id��i��o��syn��cra��sy?n. pl. id��i��o��syn��cra��sies1. A structural or behavioral characteristic peculiar to an individual or group.2. A physiological or temperamental peculiarity.3. salient images, throughparticular ways of relating and interacting with one another, andthrough specific ways of acting in a more general sense. They have theirown stories, sites, culture heroes, kin, history, and styles of doingthings. Their ways of speaking, dancing, singing, drumming, honouringthe dead and utilising the environment are locally regarded asconstituting unique variations on a common Torres Strait theme (Fuary1991). The environment serves as a physical and social metaphor ofbelonging, association, and tradition: it constitutes a vehicle forsymbolically expressing an historical and cultural identity unique toYam Island people. [5] They proudly represent themselves as descendantsof the great warrior Kebisu, who have a special relationship with asupernatural being resident on the nearby island of Gebar. They alsocharacterise themselves as having a propensity to be alway Al´wayadv. 1. Always.I would not live alway.- Job vii. 16. s late, asbeing great lovers of seafood, especially the dependable zaram, (a perchsp.) so easily caught in their lagoons; and as having been sustainedover many generations by reciprocal exchange relations with certainPapuan villagers. In these relations they recognise the reciprocalprovision of goods and services In economics, economic output is divided into physical goods and intangible services. Consumption of goods and services is assumed to produce utility (unless the "good" is a "bad"). It is often used when referring to a Goods and Services Tax. , an expression of equivalence betweenthemselves and their exchange partners, while at the same time seeingthemselves as having exerted power over unspecified Papuans,particularly in the regular taking of heads. Yam Islanders not only see themselves as Islanders per Se, butrecognise themselves as being unique, in much the same way they knowthemselves to be people of the 1990s. To be a Yam Island person is toknow how to inhabit a specific social and physical universe, and how touse and relate to it in culturally circumscribed ways. A number ofPapuan villages and villagers with whom the cultural history of YamIsland is imbricated imbricated/im��bri��cat��ed/ (im��bri-kat?id) overlapping like shingles. imbricatedoverlapping like shingles or roof slates or tiles. constitute part of this social and physicaluniverse. Yam is sometimes jokingly referred to as Small Mabaduan; theoutstation, as it were, of Mabaduan village, and a significantproportion of its total population fluctuating between 200-250, comesfrom such coastal Papuan villages. The question of numbers of Papuans resident on Yam Island is acomplicated one. Marriages have occurred between Yam Islanders andPapuans for hundreds of years, and continue to take place in the 1990s.Of those extended families who steadfastly identify as Yam Islandpeople, most contain at least one member who has a Papuan parent,grandparent or great-grandparent, a Papuan spouse, or a child to aPapuan. These families do not consider themselves Papuan; in fact, theyregularly downplay these genealogical ties. In terms of self-definitionthey are Yam Island people, but they may be externally defined byothers, particularly bureaucrats or short-term visitors, as Papuan.Thus, as controlling subjects, such Yam Island people do not identify asPapuans, yet as controlled subjects they are defined by outsiders (thecontrolling subjects in this instance), as Papuan. On the other hand, there is a significant, distinct, floatingpopulation in addition to a long-term residential population of people,who are identified both subjectively and objectively, as Papuans. In1980 for instance, there were five core Papuan households on Yam Island.Of the adult males consistently resident on Yam Island during 1980, 11out of the 39 were themselves either born in the Western Province ofPapua New Guinea or both their parents had been born there. Likewise, 13of the 49 adult females were from Papua New Guinea. By 1985 about halfthe population of Yam, which then comprised some 15 households, had comefrom the villages of Mabaduan and Tureture within recent decades. Thesepeople built their numbers on a foundation of immigrants who hadobtained Australian citizenship or permanent residence status since the1970s, with the attainment of Papua New Guinea's independence. OnePapuan family in particular has had an association with Yam Islandspanning four generations. All heads of these f amilies have beenadopted into Island families thereby acquiring Islander names andhonorary Islander status. In most local and particularly in formal,public interactions these immigrants are accorded Islander status,however at the informal, private level, the 'Papuan-ness' ofthese people is regularly noted and discussed. Since the late 1980s and into the 1990s there has been anexponential increase in the number of Papuan households, resulting fromreproduction and through younger family members having established theirown households as married adults. Yam also plays host to many temporaryPapuan visitors who come to trade, socialise Verb 1. socialise - take part in social activities; interact with others; "He never socializes with his colleagues"; "The old man hates to socialize"socialize and participate in thecommercial crayfishing industry. Some visitors have attached themselvesto already established Papuan households, attracted by the more affluentlifestyle of Yam Island compared to village life in coastal Papua, andby the better prices paid in Australia for crayfish crayfishor crawfish,freshwater crustacean smaller than but structurally very similar to its marine relative the lobster, and found in ponds and streams in most parts of the world except Africa. Crayfish grow some 3 to 4 in. (7.6–10. . Trading relations between Yam Islanders and their Papuan neighbourscontinue to be maintained, celebrated and staunchly defended. Canoes anddinghies from Mabaduan, and to a lesser extent Tureture, regularly visitYam Island. In the 1980s when quarantine regulations were introducedprohibiting the movement of foodstuffs foodstuffsnpl → comestibles mplfoodstuffsnpl → denr��es fpl alimentairesfoodstuffsfood npl → between Papua and the islands,Yam Islanders stressed that the esteemed bush foods of taro taro:see arum. taroHerbaceous plant (Colocasia esculenta) of the arum family, probably native to Southeast Asia and taken to the Pacific islands. , yams andbananas had always been crucially important exchange items, and hadsustained them for generations. They were incredulous at the suggestionof disease being brought into the Torres Strait via such highly valuedfoods, and one resident Papuan commented poignantly that 'it'swhite man's food which kills people' (the late Mrs ZipporahDavid pers. comm. 1980). Yam Island people's continuing physicaland cultural well-being and growth was seen to be predicated on thenurturing properties of food grown in the Papuan bush, exemplified bythe following statement by another elderly Yam Island woman: 'W egrew on that food' (the late Mrs Cessa Harry pers. comm. 1981). When Papuan canoes and dinghies arrive on Yam the exchange is bothformal and informal, material and non-material (Fuary 1991). Thenon-material cultural interchange includes dancing displays, healingpractices, adoption, the consolidation of old relationships and theestablishment of new ones. Many exchange transactions between Papuansand Yam Islanders do not occur as reciprocal exchange per se. Mostfamilies have established, clearly stipulated and often inherited linksof friendship and exchange with specific Papuan individuals, and Papuangifts of food, mats, baskets and drums symbolise the continuingsignificance of these relationships. In exchange, the Yam Island familyprovides meals, cigarettes, accommodation, household items, clothing andfoodstuffs, before the Papuans are dispatched to work in the gardens toclear, or to erect fences to keep pigs away from crops. At a superficiallevel, Yam Island people may be seen to be playing a very powerful rolein these interactions by putting Papuan visitor s to work. Yet, Papuanvisitors willingly engage in this labour. Their 'being athome' in the bush gardens adds to a generalised Yam Islanduncertainty about what they may or may not do there. This no doubtreinforces the nonmaterial and non-physical power Papuans are seen toexert in the Yam Island context. Both Yam Islanders and Papuans rely on these reciprocal and marketexchange transactions. Much of what is obtained from the Papuans isconsidered customary Islander goods and services. In return Islandersprovide their Papuan exchange partners with material items, some ofwhich can be used to raise school fees for their children'seducation. Through these visits the historico-culturalinterconnectedness between coastal Papuans and Yam Islanders isreaffirmed and publicly recognised, and the fluctuating states of being,oscillating between varying degrees of perceived powerfulness andpowerlessness, continue to be experienced and expressed. At these island-village levels of interaction, Yam Islanders asAustralians (and thus as members of the ex-colonising nation in PapuaNew Guinea), may see themselves as more politically powerful thanPapuans. By virtue of their incorporation into the state they haveaccess to wealth through wages and Social Service payments, goods andservices (such as education and health) which their Papuan exchangepartners do not have but so obviously desire. And yet through theirincorporation, Yam Islanders have become increasingly dependent on thestate (cf. Carter 1988). In order for the coastal Papuans to retain their independence, andto acquire the material goods they desire, they engage in more'customary' action which feeds into Yam Islanderconceptualizations of them as materially poor yet culturally verypowerful. This expresses itself in an ambivalent relationship based ondisavowal yet incorporation between Yam Islanders and Papuan villagers,also expressed in Yam Islanders alternately seeing themselves as beingin control and yet being controlled. For example with visitors whoover-stay their welcome, Yam Islanders are generally cautious aboutengaging in any direct confrontation which could be regarded asprovocative. Because of the perceived power of Papuans, as Other, YamIslanders speculate about the range of possible institutional strategiesby which to repatriate repatriateTo bring home assets that are currently held in a foreign country. Domestic corporations are frequently taxed on the profits that they repatriate, a factor inducing the firms to leave overseas the profits earned there. Papuans rather than by employing more obvious anddirect means. The everyday manifestation of this view of Tones StraitIslanders as Self and Papuans as Other was highlighted elsewhere in theTones S trait in 1996 with one group of Islanders calling for theimposition of an official evening curfew on Papuan visitors (Cairns Post1996:7). Yam Islanders also engage with Papua New Guineans PoliticsDame Josephine Abaijah Sir Peter Barter Sir Julius Chan Ted Diro Sir John Guise Chris Haiveta Leo Hannett Joseph Kabui Sir John Kaputin Sir Albert Maori Kiki Sir Paulias Matane John Momis Jeffrey Nape at the nationaland international levels. In these arenas they are impressed with theauthority and power of black men and women running their own country andnegotiating directly with powerful others. Getano Lui (jnr), the currentChairman of the regional Island Co-Ordinating Council, previous Chair ofthe Torres Strait Regional Authority, and continuing Chairman of YamIsland Community Council, is a leading political figure who in recentyears has been involved in direct negotiations between the Australianand Papua New Guinean governments over such concerns as wastes from theOk Tedi gold and copper mine washing into Torres Strait. In thisinternational arena, Tones Strait politicians, as minority members ofthe Australian nation-state are drawn into direct negotiation with PapuaNew Guinean politicians, as leaders of their own sovereign state SOVEREIGN STATE. One which governs itself independently of any foreign power. . Thevastly different negotiating powers held by Tones Strait politicians andPapua New Guinean politicians is pow erfully signalled in politicalevents such as these. Nevertheless, Torres Strait politicians do engage in directdiscussions and negotiations with the Australian and State governments.The location of the Torres Strait on the most northerly frontier ofAustralia, in addition to both governments' perennial anxietiesabout diseases, drugs and illegal immigrants flooding into Queenslandand Australia undetected, combine to produce a powerful politicalcocktail. Not surprisingly, it is the border with Papua New Guinea thatis seen as problematic, and by extension, the uncontrolled flow ofPapuans in and out of Torres Strait. The border, those outside it, andthose crossing it, are the loci loci[L.] plural of locus.lociPlural of locus, see there of many fears and dangers: illegalentry, exploitation of local resources, drug and weapons smuggling,disease, and threats to animal and plant health (see Torres NewsFebruary to June 1999). Whenever this situation becomes intolerable for Torres StraitIslanders, government fears are skillfully translated into political andsocial capital by local politicians. Strong pressure is placed ongovernment to improve funding and regional infrastructure, and to takeseriously Torres Strait calls for increased autonomy; should this not beforthcoming, suggestions are made that the border and customssurveillance, and the provision of health services health servicesManaged care The benefits covered under a health contract to Papuans in need,may require re-assessment. The playing of this trump card was mostrecently exemplified in April 1999 with the influx of distressed Papuansescaping the floods in Western Province. The outcries from Getano Lui(jnr) of the Island Co-Ordinating Council and John Abednego of theTorres Strait Regional Authority focussed on the drain on alreadylimited local health services, and called for adequate funding so thatcosts were borne by the government and not by individual Torres Straitcommunities (see Torres News 30 April-6 May 1999: 2). Such calls are seriously treated by both State and Federalgovernments who cannot afford to lose too much support from TorresStrait Island politicians. Given that in early to mid 1999 there wereseveral incidents of people being smuggled into various places in FarNorth Queensland Far North Queensland, or FNQ, is the northernmost part of the Australian state of Queensland. The region, which contains a large section of the Tropical North Queensland area, stretches from the city of Cairns north to the Torres Strait. , New South Wales New South Wales,state (1991 pop. 5,164,549), 309,443 sq mi (801,457 sq km), SE Australia. It is bounded on the E by the Pacific Ocean. Sydney is the capital. The other principal urban centers are Newcastle, Wagga Wagga, Lismore, Wollongong, and Broken Hill. , and Western Australia Western Australia,state (1991 pop. 1,409,965), 975,920 sq mi (2,527,633 sq km), Australia, comprising the entire western part of the continent. It is bounded on the N, W, and S by the Indian Ocean. Perth is the capital. , the politicalsignificance of Tones Strait Islanders continuing to perform a de facto [Latin, In fact.] In fact, in deed, actually.This phrase is used to characterize an officer, a government, a past action, or a state of affairs that must be accepted for all practical purposes, but is illegal or illegitimate. role of being the 'eyes and ears' of government (Torres News12-18 March; 28 May-3 June; 18-24 June 1999), cannot be under-estimated.For in the Tones Strait it is they who keep at bay 'the Other'in all its manifestations. SELFHOOD AND OTHERNESS The construction of any one identity at any point in time in anygiven context is essentially fluid and impossible to encapsulate en��cap��su��latev.1. To form a capsule or sheath around.2. To become encapsulated.en��cap . Thekaleidoscopic nature of identity is a necessary attribute of thefluctuating contingencies of self-construction. Identity is by its verynature discursive. In constituting their selves people engage inmultiple discourses with themselves and with others about themselves.[6] They are reflexively engaged in the reciprocal constitution of theirselves; by evaluating their places in the world vis-[acute{a}]-visothers, and acting upon those evaluations, these automatic, negotiatedselves are enabled to act in the world. At both the group and individual levels the identification of Selfwith 'like others' in opposition to 'unlike Others'is contingent, dialectical, dialogical and processual. It relates todegrees of knowing and not knowing based on familiarity and strangeness,liking and antipathy, association and separation, distance and intimacy.Contrasts are established between Self, in the forms of 'I','We' and 'Us' and Other, in the shape of'You', 'They' and 'Them' (Said 1978). Atone end of the continuum the relationship between Self and Other may beviewed as an interpenetration In`ter`pen`e`tra´tionn. 1. The act or process of penetrating between or within other substances; mutual penetration; also, the result of a process of interpenetration.Noun 1. of subjects, while at the opposite end itapproaches a relationship between subject and object. Within these twoend points is a vast array of possible permutations. In a recent work,Said (1993) explored the overlap between people, places, and notions ofselves, and in so doing orchestrated a move away from the dichotomousconstruction of Self and Other to a more sophisticated understanding ofthe dynamic and effects of shared experiences. Self and Other only makesense in their contrapuntal con��tra��pun��tal?adj. MusicOf, relating to, or incorporating counterpoint.[From obsolete Italian contrapunto, counterpoint : Italian contra-, against (from Latin and dialectical relationship with eachother. They are not discreet nor indeed undifferentiated categories letalone modes of being: to be, in effect, is to be in motion. To be a YamIslander for instance, is to be also engaged with Papuan villages in thefluctuating contingencies of their lives, to be connected butdisconnected, to be similar yet different, to have common origins yetdistinct cultural trajectories and identities. On Yam Island the construction and practice of Self and personhood per��son��hood?n.The state or condition of being a person, especially having those qualities that confer distinct individuality: "finding her own personhood as a campus activist" is predicated on levels of inclusion and exclusion fanning out from theindividual and from the group. The overlapping and shifting domains inwhich the self is negotiated and constituted, range from the intimatedomain of a small group of people who are known and loved (whichincludes friends, partners and close relatives), to the household, thevillage, other islands, the Torres Strait region, the national, and theinternational domains. Each of these categories and domains is comprisedof its own dimensions with its own dynamic. The Other which is positedand reflected on by the 'controlling subject' within each ofthese domains becomes increasingly ascribed and fixed as the socialdistance from the individual and/or the group increases. This isespecially obvious at the national and international levels wherein theexternally defined Other is less able to represent itself as the degreesof intimacy and dialogue decrease. While this Other is voiceless(Torgovnick 1990) in the informal, private reflections of Yam Islanders,it has a strong and controlling voice in the formal, political contextsof international negotiation, in which the private reflections of YamIslanders about such peoples fades into insignificance in��sig��nif��i��cance?n.The quality or state of being insignificant.Noun 1. insignificance - the quality of having little or no significanceunimportance - the quality of not being important or worthy of note . The intimate domain of Yam Island people is comprised of Islandersand non-Islanders such as Anglo or Celtic Australians, EuropeanAustralians, Asian Australians and others. Self-definitions by YamIslanders within this domain are predominantly constructed on gender,the Yam Island base, and family; components of identity grounded ineveryday, personal interactions. In the more encompassing andincreasingly heterogeneous domains in which cultural, regional, nationaland international identities are negotiated, the Yam Island basecontinues to constitute a significant component of Self and adecreasingly significant component of Otherness. The Self in these domains is constituted by an increasingcollective identification (as Islanders, as Australians, or asIndigenous peoples) and by an increasing collective differentiation fromrecognized and/or imagined Others. Others in these regional, nationaland international domains include Papuans, Japanese, Filipinos,Malaysians, Chinese, Pacific Islanders, Aboriginal Australians, ThursdayIslanders of mixed parentage, blacks and whites. The others then, inthis context, are comprised of people of the same cultural mixassociated with the intimate domain, who are not members of the'in-group', the intimate domain. Social relations between YamIsland people and these 'others' are carried out across thedichotomous boundaries (Barth 1969: 10) of cultural identity between thein-group and the out-group. Thus as social and emotional distanceincreases with a movement away from intimacy (wherein like subjects areengaged in like action and interaction), into more public and formalsettings, the identifica tion of the Self with in-group, in oppositionto Others of the out- group, is reinforced and gains currency. Yam Island people's self-representation then, fuses family,Yam Island, gender, origin (especially when some ancestors may have comefrom other islands or countries), the Torres Strait region, skin colourand Australia. The point at which one or several of these elements ofidentity are given primacy is contingent on Adj. 1. contingent on - determined by conditions or circumstances that follow; "arms sales contingent on the approval of congress"contingent upon, dependant on, dependant upon, dependent on, dependent upon, depending on, contingent the domains and forms ofsociality in which they are being expressed. The prominence orsuppression of any one symbolic element is associated with the nature ofthe interaction, the type of information being conveyed and thecomposition of the group, especially in terms of inclusiveness orexclusiveness. The degree of relatedness of participants is crucial: forexample, during in-group interactions the affiliations and sharedobligations based on gender, age, kinship and shared backgrounds areprimary, [7] whereas when Yam Islanders interact with members of themajority society, non-kinship based elements are given prominence (seealso Fitzpatrick-Nietschmann 1980: 311). This reflects the varyin gdegrees of ascription as��crip��tion?n.1. The act of ascribing.2. A statement that ascribes.[Latin ascr in the form of external definition, andself-definition. [T]he complex nature of 'otherness' of the other[ldots]stands apart from the self of any given actor and yet, by thisapparent separateness, becomes the organizing processual field of eachself- the ground upon which, within social process, the self isexperientially constituted. From this perspective, social relationshipscan be seen as engaging the actor's perspective on an outside otherthat implies a perception of the other's perspective on the self.(Munn 1986: 15-16) In societies which have experienced the long term effects ofcolonisation, their identity typically provides them with a model oftheir society and of themselves which integrates their perceptions oftheir past with perceptions of their present. In general, Yam Islandersrepresent their present and past as a continuous multilinear andmultilateral association of ideas (Physiol.) the combination or connection of states of mind or their objects with one another, as the result of which one is said to be revived or represented by means of the other. The relations according to which they are thus connected or revived are called the law of association. and events; selected aspects of thepast are brought forward and incorporated within the value system of thepresent (cf. Fitzpatrick-Nietschmann 1980: 333-334; Trigger 1986;Beckett 1988; Howard 1990). The past, as it were, functions as a type of'currency' (Jordan 1988: 115), allowing people to activelyparticipate in different worlds. The perceived behaviour and constituentnorms and values of the past, framed as tradition, are continuallyreinterpreted to meet the needs of a community and its individuals. For generations now Yam Island people have existed in andcontributed to a rapidly changing social and political world. Theyoperate in a modern world of political representation andneo-colonialism, and are continually pressed to respond to pressures forthe creation of effective local economic and political infrastructure.The transformation of Yam Island people from a majority group to aminority group through the processes of colonialism (cf. Bennett 1975;Deschamps 1982; Linnekin and Poyer 1990) has provided the context andimpetus for the development and maintenance of their contemporaryexpressions of cultural identity. While they regularly display anambivalent reluctance to be perceived as 'old fashioned' ortraditionalist, the identity which they have constructed is theirsalone. Just as colonisation has been an on-going process, so too is YamIsland identity processual. The juggling of traditionalist and modernistperspectives and ways of acting reflect the nature, course and impact ofsocial chan ge in the area since the last century. Similarly, as Selfand Other are implicated in each other, the past and the present operateas overlapping domains along a continuum: there is an absence of sharpand clear-cut discontinuities between one era and another. For instancethe pre-colonial, pre-Christian past locally referred to as bipo taymcannot be absolutely differentiated from the beginning of the Christianera Christian eran.The period beginning with the birth of Jesus.Christian EraNounthe period beginning with the year of Christ's birthNoun 1. : what is often imagined as a dichotomy is in essence a blurredboundary. Just as there has not been a distinct moment or event during whicheverything or everyone familiar changed, the diffuse images of time inparticular, allow for the development of an identity which comfortablyreflects the long-term processes of retention, incorporation, invention,creativity, synthesis and the reworking of received ideas and practices.It is this tacking between the past and the present, and between YamIsland, the rest of Torres Strait and the Papuan mainland, whichprovides Yam Island people with the dynamic of their identity (Fuary1991; 1993). On the basis of shared cultural, historical andenvironmental factors, this identity is achieved with the establishmentof self-definitional boundaries in relation to the past and to others,and provides a base from which Yam Islanders encounter and act in theworld. They experience a great cultural pride and strength in knowingfrom where, and from whom, they have come. People draw their confidenceand feelings of belonging from the past, and from their identity as YamIsland people. It is from this sense of belonging, which is continuallyasserted and reaffirmed, that they can evaluate and comment upon thedirection of their own lives. As I have argued elsewhere (Fuary1991;1993), Yam Islanders engage in dialectical shifting between thepast and present, between traditionalism and modernism, and theirleaders act as brokers between these two frames of reference as well asbetween Islanders and non-Islanders (see also Beckett 1987). In thissense, the links between the past and present are critical to the waysand means WAYS AND MEANS. In legislative assemblies there is usually appointed a committee whose duties are to inquire into, and propose to the house, the ways and means to be adopted to raise funds for the use of the government. This body is called the committee of ways and means. by which selfhood is negotiated. By dipping into the'collective memory' (Lattas 1992), Yam Island people can pushaway external definitions of their selves, as controlled subjects andOther, by countering them with their own definitions. The Self thuscontinues to be established in opposition to a panoply pan��o��ply?n. pl. pan��o��plies1. A splendid or striking array: a panoply of colorful flags.See Synonyms at display.2. of fantasizedOthers, while also being established through identification with thoseOthers, especially through a fantasized union with the Past (Fuary1997). Bhabha (1983) refigures our apprehension of Otherness, by arguingthat not only are fixed stereotypes an essential discursive feature ofcolonialism, but that they are triggered and maintained by ambivalenceof the powerful. Fixity fix��i��ty?n. pl. fix��i��ties1. The quality or condition of being fixed.2. Something fixed or immovable. [ldots]connotes rigidity and an unchanging order as well asdisorder[ldots]Likewise the stereotype, which is its major discursivestrategy, is a form of knowledge and identification that vacillatesbetween what is always 'in place', already known, andsomething that must be anxiously repeated. (Bhabha 1983: 18) As we have seen from this exploration of the Yam Islandconstitution of Self and Other, particularly as it relates to theirimbrication with Dawdhay (Papua), the mere repetition of fixedstereotypes, fails to adequately articulate the dynamic relationship andfluidity of interaction between Torres Strait Islander and Papuanpeoples living in this region. CONCLUSION An extra dimension was added to the ways in which Yam Islandersconstitute Papuans as Other with the emergence of Papua New Guinea as anindependent nation. With the establishment of an international boundarybetween Australia and Papua New Guinea, an absolute distinction betweenPapua New Guinea and Torres Strait was created. At the private andinformal public levels, the Papuan Other is constructed as'uncivilised', supernaturally powerful, black,'primitive', and non-Christian. At the same time within thenational and international domains, Papua New Guinea is praised for itsindependence, its educated elite, the ability of black men and women tomake decisions on behalf of their population. This is in contrast to thefrustrations Islanders sometimes feel at the ways in which their voicesmay be stifled within the State and Federal political scene inAustralia. However, as we have seen, their essential role insurveillance of the border is regularly utilised as a means ofpressuring governments to increase essential services to their region,and to back their calls for autonomy. Many Yam Islanders express an ambivalence toward Papua New Guinea.While their tiny island is in many ways regarded as something of aPapuan 'outpost', Yam Island people are trying to come togrips with their 'Papuan-ness' in relation to their'Tones Strait Islander-ness'. On the one hand they recognisethat as a people they have always relied on certain Papuan families fromparticular villages to constitute themselves. Their society was createdby Papuans and they continue to rely on and desire goods and servicesfrom Papua. This sets them apart from other Australians andparadoxically gives them their specific identity. On the other hand,there is a desire to distance themselves as Tones Strait Islanders andas Australians from their Papuan connections; to constitute themselvesfirmly as Tones Strait Islanders as opposed to Islanders connected toPapua. In this context a strong emphasis is placed on the 'TorresStrait Islander-ness' and therefore 'Australian-ness' and'Queenslander-ness' of Islanders, and a de-emphasis on their'Papuan-ness'. According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. their legal status they are firmlyAustralians as opposed to Tones Strait Islanders with a Papuan base. This ambivalence needs to be understood within the contexts ofcolonialism, internal colonialism Internal Colonialism refers to political and economic inequalities between regions within a single society. The term may be used to describe the uneven effects of state development on a regional basis and to describe the exploitation of minority groups within the wider society. and neo-colonialism. As I have pointedout elsewhere (Fuary 1991), the institutionalisation of Tones StraitIslanders on reserves under church and government control, is especiallysignificant in having produced contradictory notions of self andcommunity. The Self construct is an ambiguous and ambivalent projectbecause of its very contextuality and because of the dialectic betweenSelf and Other. It necessarily shifts between incorporation anddisavowal. What I am suggesting here is that the ambivalence expressedtoward Papua New Guineans is not an artefact of the establishment of aninternational border, but rather that the border has added anotherdimension or layer to Self and Other constructions on Yam Island. Butperhaps it is also by virtue of Yam Islanders' geographicalposition, as people between Australia and Papua New Guinea, in a passivesense, and as people separating Australia and Papua New Guinea, in anactive sense, that this ambivalence could be further addressed. NOTES (1.) A very early version of this article was presented at theAustralian Anthropological Society Annual Conference, Canberra 1992 inthe session 'Australia and New Guinea New Guinea(gĭn`ē), island, c.342,000 sq mi (885,780 sq km), SW Pacific, N of Australia; the world's second largest island after Greenland. Connections andComparisons'. (2.) The descendants of the Yam-Tudu people have not been living onTudu since the turn of this century (see Fuary 1991; 1993). (3.) See Harrison's (1993) work on the role of violence inManambu sociality and polity. (4.) For discussions of how this applies to Aboriginal Australiasee Beckett 1988; Carter 1988; Jordan 1988; Ariss 1988; Cowlishaw 1988. (5.) See Howard's (1990) discussion of the force of identityin Oceania based on recognition of relationship to each other, to a setof ancestors and spirits, and to a specific physical environment. Theiridentity is forged through knowing how to interact with each other, thephysical environment and the supernatural domain. (6.) Jordan (1985) has demonstrated in her work with AboriginalAustralians that when Aboriginal people do not self-classify as'Aboriginal' it is either because they are using their ownpositively valued and self-attributed locality-based or language-basedidentifiers, or because they are actively rejecting the negative valueassociated with being 'Aboriginal' in mainstream Australiansociety. Refer to Carter (1988) and Morris (1988) for discussion of theways in which 'negative ascriptions' are also actively adoptedor resisted. (7.) Both in Oceanic and Aboriginal Australian societies, thekinship connection constitutes the foundation of cultural identity(Linnekin and Poyer 1990; Barwick 1985; Tonkinson 1990; Sansom 1980,1988). 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