Themes in the prehistory of tropical Australia.

Themes in the prehistory of tropical Australia. The wetter tropical zones of northern Australia The term northern Australia is generally considered to include the States and territories of Australia of Queensland and the Northern Territory. The part of Western Australia (WA) north of latitude 26�� south — a definition widely used in law and State government policy are linked by theirmonsoonal climates. Their archaeology shows its own distinctive patternas well, and rock-art is an important source of evidence and insight.This study focusses on a part of Queensland, setting this local sequencealongside Arnhem Land Arnhem Land,37,100 sq mi (96,089 sq km), N Northern Territory, Australia, on a wide peninsula W of the Gulf of Carpentaria. The great majority of the region belongs to the Arnhem Land Aboriginal Reserve, the largest aboriginal reservation in Australia. (reported by the paper of Tacon & Brockwell)and in the northern pattern as a whole. No matter what route was taken by the first Australian immigrants,the earliest sites in Australia should be in the tropical north(Birdsell 1977). This same region is likely to document continuedcultural and genetic input from adjacent island southeast Asia and NewGuinea New Guinea(gĭn`ē), island, c.342,000 sq mi (885,780 sq km), SW Pacific, N of Australia; the world's second largest island after Greenland. . Certainly in the historic period, the impact of Indonesians inthe Kimberley and Arnhem Land (MacKnight 1976), and of Papuans acrossTorres Strait Torres Strait(tŏr`ĭz, –rĭs), channel, c.95 mi (153 km) wide, between New Guinea and Cape York Peninsula of Australia. It connects the Arafura and Coral seas. (McCarthy 1939) is well documented. Furthermore, thesudden appearance of the dingo dingo(dĭng`gō), wild dog (Canis lupus dingo) of Australia, believed to have been introduced thousands of years ago from SE Asia by the aboriginal settlers of that continent; currently regarded as a subspecies of the gray wolf. in Australia c. 4000 b.p. is indisputableevidence for Asian contact in the mid Holocene (Gollan 1984). It alsosuggests that Asian contact has occurred at least sporadicallythroughout the entire Australian cultural sequence. Parts of northern Australia also have longstanding technological,artistic and linguistic traits, which clearly distinguish them from moresouthern areas, and warrant more detailed archaeological investigation.Edgeground axes, found in Pleistocene contexts in the Kimberley, ArnhemLand and Cape York Peninsula Cape York Peninsula,280 mi (451 km) long, N Queensland, Australia, between the Gulf of Carpentaria and the Coral Sea. It is largely tropical jungle and sparsely populated. The Northern Peninsula Aboriginal Reserve is there. Weipa (1991 pop. 2,510) is the largest town. (as well as in the New Guinea Highlands The New Guinea Highlands, also known as the Central Range or Central Cordillera, are a chain of mountain ranges and intermountain valleys on the island of New Guinea which run generally east-west the length of the island. andparts of southeast Asia), only appear in the rest of Australia in themid to late Holocene. What this early north-south difference inAustralian stone artefact See artifact. technology means is unclear, but Arnhem Land,the Pilbara and the Kimberley also have a degree of artistic andlinguistic complexity not evident in the rest of the continent. Theseareas have complex figurative rock-art styles, which contrast markedlywith the geometric and track emphasis of central Australian art and withthe recent Simple Figurative rock-art styles found elsewhere around themargins of the continent (Maynard 1979). In addition, there seems to bea close association between the `Northwest Australian Rock-artProvince' and linguistic complexity: of the (possibly) 29Australian Aboriginal language phylla, 28 are found only in the ArnhemLand and Kimberley regions (McConvell 1990). Dated rock-art evidenceindicates that the distinctiveness of symbolic systems in northwestAustralia may have a Pleistocene antiquity. This paper examines the evidence for generalized economic, materialand demographic responses across northern Australia to the long-termclimatic changes which occurred between 15,000 and 7000 b.p. However,interpretations of change in the archaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. are seldomstraightforward or unambiguous, even where there appears to be goodcorrelation with climatic fluctuations. Inadequacies in the availabledata-base also preclude detailed reconstructions of developments inAboriginal land-use in the tropics tropics,also called tropical zone or torrid zone, all the land and water of the earth situated between the Tropic of Cancer at lat. 23 1-2°N and the Tropic of Capricorn at lat. 23 1-2°S. , a point emphasized by recentresearch in southeast Cape York Peninsula. The Australian tropics The Australian humid and semi-arid tropical zones are here definedas those areas north of the Tropic of Capricorn Tropic of Capricorn,parallel of latitude at 23°30' south of the equator; it is the southern boundary of the tropics. This parallel marks the farthest point south at which the sun can be seen directly overhead at noon; south of the parallel the sun appears less (23[degrees] 26'5" S) with annual rainfall greater than 500 mm. Most of the regionis characterized by a highly seasonal, summer (monsoonal) rainfallpattern. Differences in the predicability pred��i��ca��ble?adj.That can be stated or predicated: a predicable conclusion.n.1. Something, such as a general quality or attribute, that can be predicated.2. and magnitude of summer rainsbetween say, the rainforest areas of northeast Queensland, theflood-plains of western Arnhem Land and the eucalypt savanna savannaor savannah(both: səvăn`ə), tropical or subtropical grassland lying on the margin of the trade wind belts. of theNorth Queensland North Queensland is the northern part of the state of Queensland in Australia. Queensland is a massive state, larger than most countries, and the Tropical northern part of it has been historically remote and underdeveloped, resulting in a distinctive regional character and highlands mean that Aboriginal adaptations to specificenvironments were similarly varied. Recent Aboriginal land-useIn parts of the tropics, high and predictable rainfall has a majorimpact on the geographical and seasonal availability of faunal andfloral resources, and Aboriginal communities responded accordingly;thus, coastal areas normally have higher population densities thaninland regions (e.g. Tindale 1979). Aboriginal people in these regionsperceive the year in terms of seasonal attributes, resource availabilityand economic activities, and their diet, social life, material cultureand land-use patterns respond to these regular changes in resourcedistribution. The earliest study of this behaviour was by Thomson (1939)in western Cape The Western Cape is a province in the south west of South Africa. The capital is Cape Town. Prior to 1994, the region that now forms the Western Cape was part of the huge (and now defunct) Cape Province. York, where the Wik Monkan classify all parts of theircountry on the basis of botanical communities and resources, and dividethe year into five seasons, each with characteristic conditions, foodsand occupations (Thomson 1939: 211):It cannot be emphasized too strongly that these movements, eachcircumscribed and conducted within well-defined limits and definitelyrelated to a season and a food supply, take on a very different aspect;seen in true perspective, they form a regular and orderly annual cyclecarried out systematically, and with a rhythm parallel to, and in stepwith, the seasonal changes themselves. Generally, ethnographic records from across the region indicatethat there were common responses to short-term and/or seasonalfluctuations in resource availability. Maximum population dispersal Population dispersalThe process by which groups of living organisms expand the space or range within which they live. Dispersal operates when individual organisms leave the space that they have occupied previously, or in which they were born, and settle in andmobility occurred during the early dry season, when surface water wasfreely available, and a progressive `falling back' to permanentwaters occurred as the country dried out. The wet made travel difficult,and often more-or-less permanent camps were established in that season.This was also the time when rock-shelters were used most intensively(e.g. Trezise 1971: 7). At the end of the wet, these camps wereabandoned, and groups became progressively smaller and more mobile asthe dry progressed (e.g. Anderson 1984; von Sturmer 1978; Tacon 1989). In similar fashion, there appear to have been common responsesacross the region to long-term climatic fluctuations, although thearchaeological manifestations vary according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. local resourcestructures, particularly the availability of water. Predicted human responses to palaeo-environmental changesPrior to 30,000 b.p., when the Australian tropics were firstoccupied, conditions were wetter and temperatures were slightlydepressed (Bowler 1976). As a result there would have been fewconstraints imposed by availability of water sources. The earliestarchaeological manifestations of human presence in the region areprobably ephemeral sites documenting transitory visits by wide-ranging,exploratory groups. During the Last Glacial Maximum The Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) refers to the time of maximum extent of the ice sheets during the last glaciation (the W��rm or Wisconsin glaciation), approximately 20,000 years ago. This extreme persisted for several thousand years. , between 25,000 and 15,000 b.p.,the sea was up to 140 m lower than today (Chappell & Grindrod 1983:67). Most of the north coast of Australia was connected to New Guinea bya land-bridge, and elsewhere the coastline was up to 400 km further outthan present shore-lines. The last glacial was a time of reducedrainfall, strong winds and lower mean annual temperatures, which wouldhave limited water availability and biological productivity (Bowler1976). Thermoluminescence thermoluminescenceEmission of light from certain heated substances as a result of previous exposure to high-energy radiation. The radiation causes displacement of electrons within the crystal lattice of the substance. dates for an extensive sandsheet in southeastCape York Peninsula indicate that sands were most mobile during thistime, with sand accumulation rates being highest c. 18,000 b.p. (Morwoodet al. 1995a). Geologically permanent water sources would have beencrucial to the pattern of human land-use at this time. Someregions/sites may have been abandoned. Others may show an increase inoccupational intensity as people became more tethered to permanentwaters. From 15,000 b.p. the climate warmed and sea-levels rose. Greaterrainfall also increased the number and distribution of reliable watersources and biological productivity, especially during the earlyHolocene, when conditions were more favourable than today. Some regionaldifferences are apparent in timing. Between 13,000 and 14,000 b.p. thereis general evidence for increased rainfall, possibly from the southwardmovement of the monsoons, but this increase is delayed in the AthertonTableland The Atherton Tableland is a fertile plateau which is part of the Great Dividing Range in Queensland, Australia. It is located west to south-south-west inland from Cairns, well into the tropics, but its elevated position provides a climate suitable for dairy farming. sites of northeast Queensland until about 10,000 b.p. (Hiscocka Kershaw 1992: 54). Post-Pleistocene sea-levels reached a mid-Holocenehigh about 6000 b.p. Since this time, sea-level has fallen about 1 metre(Chappell 1983). Such relative stability has led to the progressivedevelopment of estuarine es��tu��a��rine?adj.1. Of, relating to, or found in an estuary.2. Geology Formed or deposited in an estuary.Adj. 1. estuarine - of or relating to or found in estuariesestuarial environments of high biological productivity insome coastal areas. Considerable variation between regions is evident in the timing andnature of specific changes in resource levels and structures. In westernArnhem Land, the stabilization of sea-levels from 6000 p.b. was followedby a progradation of coastline, then the formation of freshwater swampsover the past 2000 years. These swamps, important resource areas forwater and plant foods, significantly increased the potential humancarrying capacity carrying capacitythe number of animal units that a farm or area will carry on a year round basis, including that needed for conservation of winter feed. Usually stated as dry cows or dry sheep equivalents per hectare. of this region (e.g. Hope et al. 1985; Tacon &Brockwell, this volume). Post-Pleistocene hydrological hy��drol��o��gy?n.The scientific study of the properties, distribution, and effects of water on the earth's surface, in the soil and underlying rocks, and in the atmosphere. changes in some`inland' regions also seem to have increased water availability andallowed (more sustained) human occupation. The activation of MickeySprings on the upper Flinders River Flinders RiverRiver, Queensland, Australia. It rises on the southwestern slopes of the Gregory Range and flows west and then north to the Gulf of Carpentaria through two mouths, the second known as the Bynoe River, after a course of 520 mi (837 km). in North Queensland was probably thefactor responsible for first use of adjacent rock-shelters in theterminal Pleistocene (Morwood 1990: 20). A common end-result in many regions was potential for humanpopulation expansion. In many cases, post-Pleistocene increases incarrying capacity are likely to have been progressive and cumulative(e.g. western Arnhem Land, southeast Cape York Peninsula). Populationdensities in some coastal regions also may have risen abruptly inresponse to the rises in sea-level and the consequent reduction in landarea. Furthermore, the development of social mechanisms, including morecomplex alliance networks and systems of economic reciprocity, may haveled to more efficient use of geographically and seasonally dispersedresource abundances, and so further increased effective environmentalcarrying capacity for local hunter-gatherers. These social developmentsare also likely to have been progressive and cumulative. In summary, from about 15,000 b.p. to the stabilization ofsea-level 6000 years ago, the archaeological record should show variousindications of population increase. Although some of the associatedchanges may be threshold-linked and therefore abrupt, some shouldreflect processes rather than events and should therefore be gradual.Possible measures of population expansion might include increased sitenumbers, more intensive use of sites, first use of marginal habitats,more intensive types of resource-use, and implementation of new socialmechanisms for territorial bounding (cf. Lourandos 1983). General archaeological evidenceReconstruction of Aboriginal prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to in the Australian tropics isbased on a relatively small number of sites in a restricted number ofareas. In addition, the nature of archaeological research in theAustralian tropics has closely mirrored methodological and theoreticaldevelopments in Australian archaeology generally. Earlier emphasis onestablishing antiquity and culture sequence has led to a fragmented bodyof data of limited value in writing regional prehistories and unsuitablefor making general comparisons, except in very limited fashion. Even so,the oldest dates for human occupation of Australia now come from thetropics: radiocarbon determinations indicate initial use of NurrabullginCave in northeast Queensland prior to 37,000 b.p. (David 1993; 1994),while thermoluminescence (TL) and optically stimulated luminescence luminescence,general term applied to all forms of cool light, i.e., light emitted by sources other than a hot, incandescent body, such as a black body radiator. (OSL OSL Open Source LabOSL Office of Student LifeOSL Open Source LicenseOSL Oregon State LibraryOSL Order of St Luke the PhysicianOSL Optical Stimulated LuminescenceOSL Oud Strijders Legioen (Dutch)OSL Order of Saint Luke ) dates suggest parts of tropical Australia were first occupiedbetween 53,000 and 61,000 b.p. (e.g. Roberts et al. 1990; 1994a; 1994b;cf. Allen 1994; Allen & Holdaway 1995). In addition, there is nowsufficient evidence on archaeological sites and their environmentalcontexts in some regions to investigate human responses to climaticchanges in the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene. These areas includethe west Kimberley, western Arnhem Land, the Queensland Gulf country andthe North Queensland highlands. Site numbersFew parts of tropical Australia have had sufficient research toquantify changes in site numbers over time, although there iscircumstantial evidence circumstantial evidenceIn law, evidence that is drawn not from direct observation of a fact at issue but from events or circumstances that surround it. If a witness arrives at a crime scene seconds after hearing a gunshot to find someone standing over a corpse and holding a to suggest an increase during the terminalPleistocene and Holocene. One notable exception is western Arnhem Land. Western Arnhem Land shows an accelerating increase in site numbersfrom the terminal Pleistocene (Figure 3; Jones 1985; Schrire 1982; Allen& Barton 1989); this trend cannot be interpreted in detail becausemany of the basal dates are inferred from radiocarbon determinationshigher in the sequence (e.g. Anbangbang, Jimeri II). In addition,late-Holocene changes in resource levels and structure appear to haveresulted in major transformations in local Aboriginal land-use andpopulation distribution. Over the past 2000 years one focus ofoccupation was on open sites adjacent to freshwater swamps, but mostarchaeological excavations have been in rock-shelters (Tacon &Brockwell, this volume; Hiscock 1992). The comparative increase inactual site numbers in western Arnhem Land during the late Holocene islikely to have been far greater than is evident in Figure 3. Intensity of site-useThe intensity of site occupation can be monitored by examiningchanges in the artefact discard or sediment accumulation rates, and bylooking at the degree of trampling or fire damage on stone artefacts(e.g. Hiscock 1985). O'Connor et al. (1993: 101) have argued thatconsistent changes in artefact discard rates in a number of sitesprovide reliable signals of regional population change. Their point isillustrated in these examples: artefact discard rates at Mandu Mandu onthe Cape Range Peninsula, and at Widgingarri Shelter 2 and KoolanShelter 2 in the west Kimberley rose dramatically between 25,000 and18,000 b.p. as aridity increased and populations contracted. The sitesthen appear to have been abandoned at the height of the Last GlacialMaximum. When the sites were reoccupied in the early to mid Holocene,artefact discard rates were generally lower than those oflate-Pleistocene levels, indicating a population decline during theGlacial Maximum. Population levels may have reached their pre-GlacialMaximum levels only in the mid to late Holocene. The reverse trend is evident at Colless Creek in the Lawn Hillsarea of the Queensland Gulf country (Magee & Hughes 1982; Hiscock1984; 1985). Hiscock in particular has focussed on the taphonomic andtechnological aspects of the distribution of stone sources in relationto palaeo-environmental change. He shows how raw material use andrationing behaviour reflects changes in resource accessibility, bothchronologically and geographically. The Colless Creek Cave sequence spans a minimum of 17,000 years.When the site was first occupied rainfall was higher than today (Macgee& Hughes 1982). However, rates of artefact discard, stone artefactbreakage and fire damage, were highest between 16,000 and 13,500 b.p.,suggesting that the site was used most intensively in a period ofpronounced aridity (Hiscock 1984; 1985: 87-9). At the same time,occupants of the site mainly used stone obtainable within the gorgesystems, while previously used stone sources on the surrounding plateauwere abandoned. Both lines of evidence suggest that, at a time ofpronounced aridity, people were more closely tethered to the permanentwater sources in the gorges. David (1990: 47) notes a similar development at Fern Cave in theChillagoe area of North Queensland. Fern Cave reflects marginal usebefore 29,000 b.p., but between 17,000 and 13,000 b.p. the site was usedintensively. With the return to higher rainfall conditions at the end ofthe Pleistocene, the site was abandoned, probably because it became toodamp to occupy. The site demonstrates a pattern of site-use andabandonment reflecting not only regional trends but also verysite-specific circumstances. Elsewhere in the tropics, changes in the intensity of site-use aremore difficult to discern. At Miriwun in the East Kimberley, forinstance, a near-basal radiocarbon determination of c. 18,000 b.p. wasobtained just 20 cm below a determination of 3000 b.p. in deposits 110cm deep (Dortch 1977). The nature of cultural deposition between thePleistocene and Holocene deposits at the site is unclear. A similarsituation occurred at Malangangerr and Nawamoyn in western Arnhem Land,where Schrire (1982) found occupation extending back for a minimum of25,000 b.p. and of 22,000 b.p. respectively. At both sites, thePleistocene levels comprised a sand matrix capped by a midden middendungheap. dating toc. 6000-7000 b.p. (Tacon & Brockwell, this volume). Schrire (1982:85) was uncertain whether the significant time-gap between thesePleistocene and Holocene dated occupations reflected the limited numberof radiocarbon determinations, deflation of the deposits or a lengthyperiod of abandonment. At other sites in the region, such as NauwalabilaI and Malakunanja II, however, the paucity of dated occupation for theGlacial Maximum is almost certainly due to choice of radiocarbon samplesby the excavator ex��ca��va��torn.An instrument, such as a sharp spoon or curette, used in scraping out pathological tissue.excavator (eks´k . There is no stratigraphic stra��tig��ra��phy?n.The study of rock strata, especially the distribution, deposition, and age of sedimentary rocks.strat or cultural evidence for ahiatus in occupation (Kamminga & Allen 1973; Jones & Johnson1985). Resource-useVery few sites in tropical Australia have evidence for use of faunaland floral resources between 15,000 and 7000 b.p. One exception is theKoolan Shelter in the West Kimberley, where a developed maritime economyis evident from c. 10,400 b.p., when the sea reached the vicinity of thesite. It suggests that before this time, people were living on thePleistocene coast and fell back as the sea rose (O'Connor 1990:170). At the base of the Koolan midden layers, terrestrial fauna,especially macropods MacropodsDerived from the Greek, macropod literally means "large footed." Macropods are marsupials belonging to the family Macropodidae, which includes kangaroos, wallabies, tree kangaroos, pademelons, and several others. , comprised the bulk of the diet, but with a furtherrise in sea-level and the isolation of Koolan Island, shellfish and fishbecame far more important (O'Connor 1990: 166-7). These changes infaunal exploitation reflect resource context rather than economicintensification in response to continued population growth. Stone artefacts provide the most common evidence for changes inresource-use during the Pleistocene/Holocene transition. However, mostAustralian stone artefact analyses have identified only a generaltwo-part sequence, with the major change occurring abruptly in the midto late Holocene. Dortch (1977) noted that the cultural sequence atMiriwun in east Kimberley consisted of an early industry, which includedamorphous unretouched and retouched flakes and edge-ground axes, and alate industry, distinguished by the addition of blade technology andbifacially and unifacially flaked points, which appeared about 3000 b.p.In the west Kimberley, O'Connor (1990) recognized the same two-partsequence, with evidence for edge-ground axes back to 28,000 b.p. atWidgingarri. In western Arnhem Land, Schrire (1982) identified a similar stoneartefact sequence, an early industry comprising scrapers, core scrapers,utilized flakes, grind-stones and edgeground axes, and a later industrycharacterized by unifacial and bifacial points, adzes, utilized flakesand edge-ground axes. Dates of c. 5000 b.p. (Schrire 1982: 239) and c.5700 b.p. (Jones & Johnson 1985: 206) have been suggested for thischange. The abrupt appearance of points into Arnhem Land and Kimberleysequences suggest that they were introduced rather than an in situ In place. When something is "in situ," it is in its original location. development (Allen & Barton 1989: 119). Frameworks such as this basic two-part sequence are of limitedutility in understanding developments in Aboriginal resource-use. Thepotential of a different approach is illustrated by Cundy (1990), whoundertook technological analysis of a two-part industrial sequence fromIngaladdi in the Victoria River region. Cundy suggests that the lowermaterial, dating in this site from c. 7000 to c. 3000 b.p., reflectslocal patterns of resource-use and distribution. The later industry isassociated with a more formalized for��mal��ize?tr.v. for��mal��ized, for��mal��iz��ing, for��mal��iz��es1. To give a definite form or shape to.2. a. To make formal.b. pattern of procurement involving moreoff-site reduction and production of standardized, lancet flakes (Cundy1990: 353). Similar analyses are now required for earlier stone artefactassemblages spanning periods of major climatic change Climatic Change is a journal published by Springer.[1] Climatic Change is dedicated to the totality of the problem of climatic variability and change - its descriptions, causes, implications and interactions among these. in the latePleistocene The Late Pleistocene (also known as Upper Pleistocene or the Tarantian) is a stage of the Pleistocene Epoch. The beginning of the stage is defined by the base of Eemian interglacial phase before final glacial episode of Pleistocene 126,000 �� 5,000 years ago. and early Holocene. Closure of social networks and territorial boundingSymbolic evidence such as rock-art, and/or the movement of exoticitems and materials, such as edge-ground axes and pigments, will providecrucial evidence for the nature of past social networks and exchange.Unfortunately, at this stage the paucity of well-dated rock-artchronologies and exotic items recovered from excavations means that thispotential cannot yet be realized. Art and decoration are evident in the earliest sites for Aboriginaloccupation of tropical Australia. Quantities of high-quality pigmentoccur in the basal levels of Malakunanja II, dated to between 53,000 and61,000 years b.p. (Roberts et al. 1994b), but the way these pigmentswere used is unknown. The earliest claimed date for rock-engravings inthe tropics comes from Gum Tree gum tree,name for the eucalyptus (see myrtle) in Australia and for several other trees, e.g., the sweet gum, of the family Hamamelidaceae (witch hazel family), and the black gum or tupelo in North America. Valley in the Dampier region of WesternAustralia Western Australia,state (1991 pop. 1,409,965), 975,920 sq mi (2,527,633 sq km), Australia, comprising the entire western part of the continent. It is bounded on the N, W, and S by the Indian Ocean. Perth is the capital. (Lorblanchet 1992). At this site, marine shell in a fissure fissure/fis��sure/ (fish��er)1. any cleft or groove, normal or otherwise, especially a deep fold in the cerebral cortex involving its entire thickness.2. a fault in the enamel surface of a tooth. among deeply patinated engravings and dated to c. 18,500 b.p., suggeststhat adjacent rock-engravings may have been produced at the height ofthe Glacial Maximum. The engravings include ghost-like figures,kangaroos and geometric designs. Even if the contemporaneity between theshell and these engravings is disputed, their patination state stronglysuggests that they are Pleistocene in age. Much later, a range ofengravings depicting large humans, kangaroos, animal - human composites,birds, and boomerangs was produced by people responsible for depositionof shell middens. These latter engravings are either marginallypatinated or fresh in appearance, and the oldest date to c. 7000 b.p. In the Kimberley and western Arnhem Land there are alsorock-paintings and engravings of assumed Pleistocene and early-Holoceneage - but this still remains to be proven. The rock-art of westernArnhem Land is particularly well known (e.g. Brandl 1973; Chaloupka1984; 1994; Lewis 1988; Tacon 1988). Chaloupka (1984) has established arelative sequence for this region based on changes in depicted fauna.Recent X-ray rock-paintings feature wetland and estuarine species (e.g.barramundi fish, estuarine crocodile), while earlier Dynamic Stylepaintings include depictions of terrestrial and freshwater fauna (e.g.emu, thylacine thylacine(thī`ləsīn')or Tasmanian wolf,carnivorous marsupial, or pouched mammal, of Tasmania. The thylacine is often cited as an example of convergent evolution: It is superficially quite similar to a wolf or dog, , possum possumor phalangerAny of several species (family Phalangeridae) of nocturnal, arboreal marsupials of Australia and New Guinea. They are 22–50 in. (55–125 cm) long, including the long prehensile tail, and have woolly fur. , species of macropod macropodmembers of the family Macropodidae; includes kangaroo, wallaby. ). Chaloupka argues that the Dynamic style substantially pre-datespresent environmental conditions and the establishment of the modernsea-level some 6500 years ago. Lewis (1988: 84 agrees, notingsimilarities between the Dynamic figures of western Arnhem Land and theBradshaw paintings of the Kimberley. He infers that these paintings dateto a time of environmental stress, when regional integration would havehad survival value. Lewis concludes that these early paintings representa widespread Pleistocene rock-painting tradition which may date to theLast Glacial Maximum, with 9000 b.p. a minimum age. Tacon &Brockwell reiterate in detail the arguments for a Pleistocene age forthe older western Arnhem Land art. Their assumption is that there arecorrelations between the subject matter of rock-paintings and theirenvironmental contexts, which provide general ages for successivestyles. Current research projects involving absolute dating Absolute dating is the process of determining a specific date for an archaeological or palaeontological site or artifact. Some archaeologists prefer the terms chronometric or calendar of rock-artin the Kimberley and western Arnhem Land should resolve thechronological problem (e.g. Morwood et al. 1994; Nelson et al. 1995). There is evidence for extensive exchange networks operating inparts of tropical Australia during the Pleistocene: at Widgingarri balershell was found in deposits c. 26,000 years old, while pearlshell wasdated to c. 18,000 b.p., when the site was some 200 km inland(O'Connor 1990). However, the evidence is too sparse to monitor theway in which these networks may have changed in response to laterclimatic fluctuations. Southeast Cape York Peninsula. a case-study Recent research in southeast Cape York Peninsula providescomparative data for the above general overview of Aboriginalarchaeology in the tropics. The study involved excavations at ninesites, analysis and dating of rock-art, resource mapping and collectionof a range of information for palaeo-environmental change (Morwood 1989;Morwood a Hobbs 1995. The study area Cape York Peninsula forms the northeast corner of the Australianmainland. The southern part of the Peninsula has a diverse range ofenvironments reflecting differences in climate and geology (Morgan etal. 1995. It is dominated by unconsolidated Tertiary and Quaternary quaternary/qua��ter��nary/ (kwah��ter-nar?e)1. fourth in order.2. containing four elements or groups.qua��ter��nar��yadj.1. Consisting of four; in fours. plains, but bedrock forms hills along a central spine and in higherareas to the east and southeast (Figure 5). Vegetation in southeast Cape York Peninsula today is primarilyeucalypt woodland. Study of pollen from swamp cores and archaeologicalsites indicates that similar woodland occurred over the past 32,000years, but during the Pleistocene understoreys were more open than thosefound today (Stephens & Head 1995). However, Stephens & Headhave evidence for an increase in the number of freshwater swamps in boththe coastal and inland sections of the region throughout the Holocene.In historic times, such swamps were the focus for exploitation of arange of plant foods. This progressive increase in carrying capacity anddistribution of freshwater sources would have permitted more permanentoccupation of many areas. Resource mapping showed that the upper sections of plateau scarpsand sandy outwash outwashDeposit of sand and gravel carried by running water from the melting ice of a glacier and laid down in stratified deposits. An outwash may be as much as 330 ft (100 m) thick at the edge of a glacier, and it may extend for many miles. plains were particularly rich in plant foods, whichformed the staple of the local Aboriginal diet (Morgan et al. 1995).Springs and perched swamps also occur around the plateau scarps, andmany are geologically permanent. These would have enabled Aboriginaloccupation of some sections of the Laura Basin sandstone country tocontinue throughout the most arid period of the Last Glacial Maximum. Incontrast, water sources in the extensive alluvial and outwash plains ofsouthern Cape York Peninsula are not geologically permanent; Aboriginaloccupation of these zones is likely to have fluctuated in response tolong and shortterm water availability. The study concentrated on rock-shelters in the dissected sandstoneplateaux, which form the uplands on the southern rim of the Laura RiverBasin. These plateaux run south from Princess Charlotte Bay Princess Charlotte Bay is a large bay on the coast of far north Queensland at the base of Cape York Peninsula, 350 km north northwest of Cairns. Princess Charlotte Bay is a part of the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park, and it is a habitat for the dugong. then westbelow the township of Laura. Adjacent resource provinces include outwashTertiary and marine plains to the north, alluvial plains associated withmajor rivers, folded sediments to the south, and wet tropics to thesoutheast. Archaeological evidence in southeast Cape York Peninsula Site numbers A histogram histogramor bar graphGraph using vertical or horizontal bars whose lengths indicate quantities. Along with the pie chart, the histogram is the most common format for representing statistical data. of dated sites for southeast Cape York Peninsula showsinitial occupation of the region occurred prior to c. 32,000 b.p. atSandy Creek Sandy Creek may refer to:Australia: Sandy Creek (Aurukun), Queensland Samdy Creek, South Australia United States of America: Sandy Creek (Georgia), a creek in northeastern Jackson County, Georgia 1 (FIGURE 6). In addition, extrapolation (mathematics, algorithm) extrapolation - A mathematical procedure which estimates values of a function for certain desired inputs given values for known inputs.If the desired input is outside the range of the known values this is called extrapolation, if it is inside then of radiocarbondates at Sandy Creek 1 and TL dates at Mushroom Rock West suggest humanpresence by 50,000 b.p. (Morwood et al. 1995a; b). Evidence for localoccupation prior to 25,000 b.p. is sparse. The evidence from Sandy Creek1 and Yam Camp indicates fleeting visits to sites. Mushroom Rock Westoffers a more detailed picture of changes in the intensity of occupationduring this early period, but this must await further dating of thebasal deposits. A date of c. 16,900 b.p. associated with nonbasal occupation at YamCamp shows that human use of some sections of the plateau scarpsoccurred during the height of the Last Glacial Maximum (Morwood &Dagg 1995: 112). An increase in site numbers then occurred from 15,000b.p., the approximate time when Early Man and Magnificent Gallery werefirst used. Both these sites have underlying sterile deposits, meaningthat initial human use is well-documented. The increase in dated sitesaccelerated throughout the Holocene. In some cases, the firstaccumulation of cultural deposits can be explained in terms of ageomorphic ge��o��mor��phic?adj.Of or resembling the earth or its shape or surface configuration. event, such as the formation of a rockfall rock��fall?n.A fall of rocks, as from a cliff. dam to retaindeposits (e.g. Giant Horse), but in most cases the beginnings ofcultural deposition appear to reflect the beginnings of site-use. In general terms, the pattern of dated sites seems to indicate anincrease in local population beginning around 15,000 b.p., andcontinuing right up to the European contact period. Beaton (1985) hasalso argued that the mid- to late-Holocene expansion of settlementindicated by first use of the coast around Princess Charlotte Bay, thedevelopment of specialized maritime economies and the first use ofadjacent islands, reflect population growth @sites such as Waleamini,Endaen, Alkaline Hill, South Mound: see Figure 6). Intensity of site-use We argue that the pattern of response at individual sites tochanges in climate in southeast Cape York Peninsula should varydepending upon their specific, as well as general, resource contexts(cf. O'Connor et al. 1993). * Sites close to geologically permanentwater sources are likely to show increased artefact discard rates aspeople became more tied to such areas at the height of the Last GlacialMaximum. From 15,000 b. p. such sites may actually show a reduction inintensity of occupation, as the mobility options of local populationsexpanded. * Sites distant from permanent water sources away from the LauraPlateau scarps may show abandonment between 25,000 and 15,000 b.p. * After 15,000 b.p. the general pattern at sites in the regionshould be one of increased occupational intensity; since subsequentpopulation increase is likely to have occurred progressively, there maybe major differences between sites in the timing of this increase.Graphs of occupation intensity at Sandy Creek i and Magnificent Galleryare informative (Figures 7a-b). The former was used sporadically fromwell before 32,000 b.p., but consistent use of the site did not commenceuntil about 25,000 years ago: Sandy Creek is near a geologicallypermanent spring, which must have provided a focus for occupation of thearea. From the terminal Pleistocene, the pattern of occupation at thesite is one of low-amplitude fluctuations, with alternate periods oflight and heavy use. Over the past 4000 years, closely spaced,high-amplitude fluctuations in site-use occurred. In contrast, occupation began at Magnificent Gallery c. 15,000b.p., but the most intensive use of the site occurred only in the pastmillennium (Morwood & Jung 1995). Such obvious differences betweenthe long-term patterns of site-use at Magnificent Gallery, Sandy Creek 1and other sites in the region reinforce the interpretation offered forthe cumulative increase in site numbers and more intensive occupation ofsites. From the terminal Pleistocene there is more intensive use ofsites, as part of a developing pattern of land-use. The archaeologicalevidence reflects a process not an event. Resource-use: changes in diet Archaeological evidence for diet is uncommon in southeast Cape YorkPeninsula, but at Red Horse, near Cooktown, pandanus drupes in thedeposits date from the early Holocene to the European-contact period(Morwood & L'Oste-Brown 1995a). Of particular significance atthis site, however, is the evidence for consumption of Cycas nuts, aswell as for use of grindstones to prepare plant materials, that isrestricted to the uppermost deposits spanning the last 1100 years. Cycasnuts, which contain toxins and require elaborate processing beforeconsumption, by historic times were a late-dry-season staple for localpeople (Anderson 1984: 102-7; Beaton 1982). The Red Horse evidenceindicates a major increase in the intensity of plant exploitationbetween the early and late Holocene periods. In turn this suggests acorresponding growth in social and domestic demands upon Aboriginalproduction systems. Resource-use: changes in stone artefacts In all excavated sites in southeast Cape York Peninsula, flakedstone artefacts are the dominant evidence for past human occupation andactivities. The manner in which the procurement and use of stone forknapping has changed is crucial for inferring changes in more generalland and resource-use. Stone artefact assemblages are complex databases which allow anumber of possible analytical approaches. Models are necessary toexplain variability in the procurement, use and discard of stoneartefacts. Although based on possibly simplistic sim��plism?n.The tendency to oversimplify an issue or a problem by ignoring complexities or complications.[French simplisme, from simple, simple, from Old French; see simple and incorrectassumptions, such models can be used to make predictions that can betested against the archaeological record. In general, low-intensity, episodic use of `early' key sitesshould be reflected in stone artefact assemblages which indicateopportunistic use of local raw materials, with some refurbishing ofcurated items, possibly made on exotic materials. From the terminalPleistocene, however, climatic amelioration a��me��lio��ra��tion?n.1. The act or an instance of ameliorating.2. The state of being ameliorated; improvement.Noun 1. was conducive to populationgrowth and more intensive use of specific tracts with associatedbasecamps, as documented in historic times. Raw materials consistentlyused for stone artefact manufacture in southeast Cape York Peninsula areabundant and fine-grained in distribution. Suitable water-rolled pebblesare available at most water sources. Even so, increased demand forknapping stone from the terminal Pleistocene may have brought pressureto cut associated procurement costs and for more efficient use. Pressurewould probably have been greatest at sites such as base-camps, whichwere occupied intensively over extended periods. Indices of efficiencycould include: * Greater selectivity in procuring suitable stone, withemphasis on better-quality materials with more predictable flakingproperties. This would involve more 'testing, and reduction ofmaterials at the source. * More successful knapping strategies involvinggreater care in platform preparation, overhang removal, establishingcore morphology, and predictable flake detachment (e.g. focalizedplatforms). * Less waste by increasing reduction, rotation and bipolarworking of cores; reducing the size of tools; and getting more cuttingedge per given weight of raw material by producing blades. * Extendingthe use-life of artefacts with more retouch. * The development of haftedstone tools. Odell (1994) has argued that when mobility options becomemore constrained, the hafting Hafting is a process by which an artifact, often bone, metal, or stone, is attached to a handle or strap. This makes the artifact more useful by allowing it to be fired (as in the case of an arrowhead), thrown (as a spear), or leveraged more effectively (as an axe or adze). of tools to increase their reliabilitybecomes a way of reducing risk. Many of these indices of knappingefficiency are interdependent (Hayden 1989: 10-11) and may correlatewith general evidence for environmental carrying capacity and humanpopulation levels. Individually, or in combination, they are likely tohave characterized the stone artefact sequence in southeast Cape YorkPeninsula during the Holocene. Analyses of stone artefact assemblages from southeast Cape YorkPeninsula have shown a general three-part sequence, comprising theEarly, Middle and Recent industries (Morwood & L'Oste-Brown1995b). The analyses of cores, tools and flakes/pieces, showed verysimilar trends (Figure 8). The Early Stone Artefact Industry This industry is characterized by large flake and core implementsmade on quartz, silcrete, quartzite quartzite,usually metamorphic rock composed of firmly cemented quartz grains. Most often it is white, light gray, yellowish, or light brown, but is sometimes colored blue, green, purple, or black by included minerals. and chert chert:see flint. (Figure 9). Many pieceshave heavy retouch and/or use-wear indicating use in wood chopping andscraping. Some large tools made on local material appear to have beenmanufactured off-site. Small tools were a major concern of knappers (onthe basis of the core evidence), and the small size of some examplesindicates probable hafting of quartz flakes. Edge-ground axes were usedby the earliest occupants of the region but were relatively uncommon(Morwood &, Trezise 1990; Morwood et al. 1995b). The Middle Stone Artefact Industry The first evidence for substantial changes in stone artefacttechnology occurred at some sites c. 15,000 b.p. The Middle Industry ismarked by far greater emphasis on use of fine-grained, good-qualitymaterials, particularly chert. This coincides with the appearance of anew type of core, the burin core (see Cundy 1990: 118; Flenniken andWhite 1985: 136). Burin cores were used for production of small, thinblades of triangular cross-section, probably for hafting as spear barbs.All other core types also show more emphasis on fine-grained,good-quality materials. Cores and flakes indicate far more care inestablishing and maintaining core shapes for efficient and predictableflake production. Small and medium-sized retouched flake scrapers were the dominanttool type of the Middle Industry (Figure 10). On average these weresmaller than those of the Early Industry, and with much more emphasis onthe use of chert. Their size and edge shape indicates use asspokeshaves. The first evidence for the hafting and retouching of smallchert flakes for wood-working occurs in the upper part of this industry,dating from c. 6000 b.p. (Flood g, Horsfall 1986: 54; Rosenfeld et al.1981:15). Evidence for use and maintenance of edge-ground axes isrelatively common. Of particular significance is that dates for the appearance of theMiddle Industry vary between sites in the region. It appears c. 15,000b.p. at Mushroom Rock West and Sandy Creek 2, about 8300 b.p. at thenear-by Sandy Creek i shelter, and much later at Yam Camp shelter. Infact, at Yam Camp, sporadic low-intensity occupation and expedient useof stone artefacts, characteristic of the Early Industry, continue up tothe most recent millennium, when occupation suddenly becomes intensive,chert use increases markedly, and adzes appear (see Pearson 1989). The Recent Stone Artefact Industry This industry is characterized by increasing emphasis on use ofsmall, chert flakes for heavy wood-working. These must have been hafted,and some still retain traces of resin (Figure 11). Kamminga (1978:341-3) examined 25 examples from Mushroom Rock, and concluded that thesewere for scraping wood. These adzes, became more common and morestandardized in form over time@ in particular burren adzes, made onblades, progressively became the pre-dominant wood-working implement. As with the Middle Industry, dates for the first appearance of theRecent Industry at specific sites appear to have been determined by thecontext of site-use. Where occupation intensity is high, this industrydates from c. 3800 b.p. (e.g. Mushroom Rock West, Sandy Creek 2). andseems to continue trends already evident in the Middle Industry (i.e.more intensive chert use for wood-working). Where the precedingmid-Holocene occupation is sparse, the Recent Industry does not appearuntil a late Holocene increase in site-use - and the change is abrupt. Assessment of the stone artefact sequence The predictions made about changes in the stone artefact sequenceanticipate that from c. 15,000 b.p. stone artefact assemblages insoutheast Cape York Peninsula would show greater selectivity in theprocurement of stone for knapping, the adoption of more successfulknapping strategies, more economical use of cores, greater use ofretouch, and more emphasis on hafted curated tools. It was argued alsothat quantitative measures of efficiency in raw material use wouldcorrelate with greater environmental carrying capacity, local populationand intensity of individual site-use. Given the evidence for continuingincreases in biological productivity and number of reliable watersources from the terminal Pleistocene, this is the expected time-framefor major changes in use of stone for artefact manufacture. Quantitatively, the Middle Industry, appearing at some sites c.15,000 b.p., shows far greater selectivity in choice of stone for toolmanufacture than the Early Industry - in particular, greater use wasmade of fine-grained materials with more predictable flaking qualities(see Pearson 1990: 164-5). The reduction in the number of decortication decortication/de��cor��ti��ca��tion/ (de-kor?ti-ka��shun)1. removal of the outer covering from a plant, seed, or root.2. removal of portions of the cortical substance of a structure or organ. flakes associated with the Middle Industry also suggests that moreprimary core reduction/testing was done at the source, while theproportion of small flakes, flakes with dorsal median ridges andfocalized platforms, show that this was the time when knappers exercisedmost care in setting up core morphology and detaching flakes. Inaddition, average core size decreased markedly. These changes in knapping coincided with greater emphasis upon useof chert for manufacture of hafted spear barbs and wood-working tools.The latter also were retouched more intensively. Later in the upper partof this industry, a few small chert flakes with particularly heavyretouch must have been hafted as adzes. They are functionally equivalentto the large chopper/scraping tools of the Early Industry. In the Recent Industry, from 3800 b.p., the earlier trend towardsintensive use of chert for manufacture of wood-working tools continued,and adzes of standardized burren type appeared. These composite toolswith wooden handles and with small, easily resharpened, convenientlytransported, readily replaced chert blades had a long use-life. Giventhe very high quality of cherts used in adzes and the disparity betweennumber of cores and tools (Figure 8), testing of chert nodules and moststeps in the production of suitable flakes for adze adze,tool similar in purpose and use to an axe but with the cutting edge at right angles to the handle rather than aligned with it. The details of construction of a particular adze will depend on its intended application. manufacture appearto have been undertaken off-site. These developments in retouched tools closely follow thepredictions made, both in direction and timing: there is greaterselectivity on the part of knappers in raw material use, more efficientuse of material, and increasing emphasis on extending the use-life oftools. Differences between sites in the timing of technological changesseem to have occurred throughout the sequence. Pleistocene stoneartefact assemblages are largely characterized by the expedient use oftools. At some sites the change to more selective and economical use ofmaterials, especially chert, occurred as early as 15,000 b.p., at othersit occurred in the past 1000 years. A very similar pattern is seen inthe adoption of adze technology, which began about 6000 b.p. at sitesused relatively intensively, such as Mushroom Rock, but did not appearuntil the most recent period of intensive occupation at Yam Camp andMagnificent Gallery. One implication for the staggered introduction of technologicalchanges is that the dynamics of stone procurement and knapping forartefact manufacture are determined by the context of site-use. Thereare certainly general trends, but their manifestation is site-specific.As differences in site context can be both diachronic di��a��chron��icadj.Of or concerned with phenomena as they change through time. and synchronic syn��chron��ic?adj.1. Synchronous.2. Of or relating to the study of phenomena, such as linguistic features, or of events of a particular time, without reference to their historical context. ,expedient use of stone for artefact manufacture could have occurred atany time depending on circumstances. Expedient tools occur in the RecentIndustry, but definitely decrease in the uppermost levels at sites,presumably pre��sum��a��ble?adj.That can be presumed or taken for granted; reasonable as a supposition: presumable causes of the disaster. as further population increases occurred and land-usepatterns became more formalized. The technological sequence identified in this analysis seems tohave been a result of continuing processes rather than events. Thedirection and timing of turning-points in the sequence show a close fitwith predictions made on the basis of regional population increasesassociated with a greater number of intensively used locales from theterminal Pleistocene. It is concluded therefore that chronologicalchanges in retouched stone tools reflect continued population expansionin the region, with more intensive use of specific tracts and associatedbase-camps. This population expansion began c. 15,000 years ago.Territorial bounding: the symbolic evidence Fragments of used pigmentindicating some type of painting activity go back to 30,000 b.p. atSandy Creek 1 and to the base of Mushroom Rock West. The earliestevidence for rock-paintings in southeast Cape York Peninsula dates to c.25,000 b.p. at Sandy Creek 2, with other rock-painting events at thissite occurring c. 16,000 b.p. and c. 6700 b.p. (Watchman WATCHMAN. An officer in many cities and towns, whose duty it is to watch during the night and take care of the property of the inhabitants. 2. He possesses generally the common law authority of a constable (q.v. 1993, but themotifs used in these Pleistocene and early-Holocene rock-paintings arenow unrecognizable. The earliest rock-engravings date to c. 13,200 b.p. They comprisepecked panels of bird tracks Bird tracking provides a way to assess the habitat range and behavior of birds without ever seeing the bird. Bird tracking falls under the category of tracking and is related to Animal tracking. A guide to bird tracking has been published. , lines and geometric motifs at Early Manand Sandy Creek 1 Figure 12; Rosenfeld et al. 1981; Cole et al. 1995). Asimilar pecked panel of non-figurative and track motifs at Green Antshelter dates to the early Holocene (flood & Horsfall 1986). Theevidence indicates a widespread and long-lived rock-engraving tradition.The relative degree of homogeneity of these panels suggests that onefunction of this art may have been the `linking, of local teffitorialgroups in a relatively low-population-density system (e.g. Yellen &Harpending 1972; Smith 1992). The mid Holocene may mark the appearance of the regionallydistinctive Quinkan rock-painting tradition (Cole et al. 1995; Rosenfeldet al. 1981; Trezise 1971). If so, then ethnographic information on theoperation of Aboriginal art systems strongly suggests a change in thegeneral context of rock-art production from an early linking role to onemore concerned with territorial bounding, higher population levels andmore intensive use of resources (e.g. Morwood 1992; Smith 1991). As with the development of adze technology, changes in rock-artfunction after 15,000 b.p. are likely to have been progressive andlinked to both the general and specific contexts of production (see alsoTacon & Brockwell, this volume). For instance, although figurativepaintings predominated late in the sequence, direct dates for somenon-figurative panels of engravings show that these continued to play arole in Aboriginal ceremonial life within the past 2000 years. Inaddition, there is some evidence for early figurative paintings atMagnificent Gallery, where two stylistically distinctive human figures,associated with crosses and hand stencils, may date to c. 10,000 b.p.(Morwood & Jung 1995). Conclusions In southeast Cape York Peninsula, site-specific differences incontext fe.g. proximity to geologically permanent springs, the nature ofsite depositional regimes) appear to have been major determining factorsfor the role of sites in times of climatic change - the Pleistocenepatterns of occupation at Sandy Creek 1, Magnificent Gallery, Yam Campand Mushroom Rock are different from each other. In the same way thearchaeological correlates of different resource structures may be morecomplex than those used by O'Connor et al. (1993) in comparingchanges in the archaeological record between three regions in WesternAustralia. In fact, sites within a region may show more pronounceddifferences in the pattern of Pleistocene-Holocene occupation than isapparent between sites in very different environmental regions. The evidence from southeast Cape York Peninsula also sheds newlight on the significance of the mid- to late-Holocene changes whichoccurred across the Australian mainland and relates these to earliertrends evident in the Pleistocene-Holocene transition period. Most ofthe changes in stone artefact technology in this region appear to haveresulted from in situ processes, which commenced after 15,000 b.p. as aresult of climatic amelioration and population increase. The dominanttrend from the terminal Pleistocene through to the European, contactperiod in southeast Cape York Peninsula is one of increased efficiencyin the manufacture and use of wood-working implements coupled with ashift from on-site to off-site primary reduction of chert cores. Haftedadze technology from 6000 b.p. was a local innovation, and continued thetrend towards greater selectivity and more economical use ofhigh-quality material by knappers. In contrast, burren adze technologyin other regions to the south and west appears more recently with noobvious precursors in the sequence (e.g. western Arnhem Land). Theevidence suggests that southeast Cape York Peninsula was a centre ofdevelopment for hafted adze technology in Australia. It is clear that stadial models for change in stone artefactassemblages are not appropriate for tackling some very basic issues inAustralian archaeology. Terms, such as `the Australian Core Tool andScraper Tradition' (Bowler et al. 1970) and `the Australian SmallTool Tradition' (Gould 1977) have served their purpose in drawingattention to shared trends in the archaeological records acrossAustralia - but their underlying assumptions of diffusion do not fit themore complex picture now emerging (see Cundy 1990; Holdaway, thisvolume). There is no marked mid-Holocene period of transition in theCape York Peninsula cultural sequence. Instead directional changes beganabout 15,000 b.p. and did not stop. Post-Pleistocene climatic changeappears to have been the initiating factor, but when climatic changesdiminished around 6000-7000 b.p., the process had its own impetus. Inaddition, inter-site differences in the timing of technological changesand the appearance of more intensive occupation at sites in southeastCape York Peninsula are symptomatic of developing patterns of regionalland-use, not the sudden infusion of new ideas. Such differences intiming provide crucial evidence for the nature of behavioural changesmanifest in the archaeological record and should be similarlyinvestigated in other regional sequences. For the general Australian rock-art sequence, a number ofpan@continental models have been advanced (e.g. Lommel 1961; McCarthy1979; Maynard 1979; Mountford 1959). Gross differences in the characterof rock-art in different regions were said to reflect its differentialdevelopment in time and space. Absolute dates for rock-art in southeastCape York Peninsula now indicate that the situation is far more complex.Rock-paintings have a Pleistocene antiquity in the region, but becauseof taphonomic factors the vast majority now evidently date to the pastfew thousand years. Changes in rock-art techniques and motifs used overtime also seem to have been changes in emphasis rather than kind. Somefigurative paintings may date to the terminal Pleistocene, while somegeometric and track engravings are late Holocene in age. In an overview of the Australian rock-art sequence, Rosenfeld(1993; 77) has argued for two basic categories of rock-markings. Thefirst category comprises a visual system of gesture, as characterized bymechanically produced finger-markings and hand stencils, which can bethought of as having individual significance and which lack culturalconstraints on style. The second comprises referential symbols imbuedwith style (i.e. art), which marked the landscape in a way determined bycorporate land-owning groups. The earliest evidence for referentialrock-art in southeast Cape York Noun 1. Cape York - the northern tip of Cape York Peninsula at the Torres Strait; the northernmost point of the Australian mainlandAustralia, Commonwealth of Australia - a nation occupying the whole of the Australian continent; Aboriginal tribes are thought to , at this stage, dates to the terminalPleistocene, possibly reflecting the emergence of tightened social andteffitorial organization. This fits well with the scenario based onother associated archaeological evidence in the region. If the localstone artefact sequence is any guide, then changes in the corporaterock-art system since 15,000 b.p. are also likely to have been gradual,to have resulted from in situ processes rather than diffusion and toreflect both the regional and site-specific contexts of production. On the other hand, the evidence of Lor-blanchet (1992) in theDampier region, as well as the speculations of other researchers inArnhem Land and the Kimberley, suggest that rock-art with a stylisticcomponent may extend back to the Glacial Maximum in those regions ofnorthwest Australia with Complex Figurative rock-art traditions.Multi-disciplined, regional research projects, which include comparativeanalyses of well-dated rock-art sequences in Cape York Peninsula, ArnhemLand, the Kimberley and other parts of (tropical) Australia shouldrevolutionize our understanding of Aboriginal prehistory.Acknowledgments. Our research in southeast Cape York Peninsula wasfunded by the Australian Research Council, the Australian Institute ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, the Queensland Departmentof Conservation and Heritage and the University ofnew England. We alsowish to thank Kathy Morwood for the stone artefact drawings, and RobynMcDougall, Peter Veth, Harry Allen For other people named Harry Allen, see Harry Allen (disambiguation).Harry Allen (1911- August 15, 1992) was one of Britain's last executioners, officiating between 1941 and 1964 when he was the chief executioner at 29 executions and and Jim Allen for their comments onearlier drafts. ReferencesAllen. H. & G. Barton. 1989. Ngarradj Warde Djobkeng: WhiteCockatoo Dreaming and the prehistory of Kakadu. Sydney: University ofSydney The University of Sydney, established in Sydney in 1850, is the oldest university in Australia. 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